Abstract
This article explores the potential fruitfulness of an encounter between psychoanalysis and science and technology studies (STS) by examining Perry’s (The Human Nature of Science: Researchers at Work in Psychiatry, The Free Press, New York, 1966) book, and its intellectual and socio-cultural background. From his close observation of experimental LSD therapy in a psychiatric research center in the USA, Perry seminally claimed—a decade ahead of similar claims in STS—the social construction of scientific theory. His work, being idiosyncratic as a hybrid of STS and psychoanalysis in terms of both his research subject and research framework, later sank into complete oblivion. Examined here, first, is the parallel development of the reflexivity concept in both STS and psychoanalysis: Harry S. Sullivan’s pivotal role in introducing sociological reflexivity into the latter is detailed. Second, the predicament of mental institutions in the post-war USA is identified as the important milieu that allowed such diverse approaches as Erving Goffman’s Asylums. The highlighted potential of Perry’s work vis-à-vis contemporary STS is its reflexive ethnography that combines research ethics with emotional dynamics in situ. This contribution is contrasted with its limited applicability to large-scale social issues, another lesson we learn from this historical reflection.
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Notes
The Appendix offers an extensive bibliography of existing research/treatment conflict up to his day.
Latour’s (1988) infra-reflexivity concept was one of the thorough-going attacks on the idea of reflexivity as a second-order description of the specific context of an issue (the latter is called meta-reflexivity); in place, his concept sticks to the first-order level, with such corollaries as the deflation of method and interdisciplinary collaboration for text making. Hence, there is a parallel between his and Karatani’s (1995) later argument. However, while Latour’s work is based upon textual strategy, Karatani draws inspiration from mathematics, such as Kurt Gödel’s incompleteness theorem.
Some STS scholars have collectively criticized Freud’s idea of the couch-as-laboratory. Knorr-Cetina (1992) seminally focused upon Freud’s identification of laboratory and couch as problematic, while Stengers (1997) develops more detailed criticism of Freud’s claim that strict standardization of analyst/client relations—along with educational analysis from the analyst—gives the couch a laboratory-like scientific neutrality and rigor. She criticizes this move as actually “black-boxing” the therapeutic process at the couch. Krause and Guggenheim (2013) take these criticisms a step further by identifying the idiosyncrasy of what they call the “orthodox psychoanalysis,” stemming from not properly differentiating the function of the couch in research, diagnosis, and treatment from its use in the scientific laboratory.
Chertok and Stengers (1992) further trace the influence of Ferenczi’s reflexive approach upon, say, Michael Balint in the UK and Heinz Kohut in the US, contrasting it to the notable lack thereof in the work of Jacques Lacan in France.
Some empirical STS works on psychoanalysis in action have sporadically addressed this topic of the self-observation of analysts as the foundation of their knowledge claims on a subject. Osborne (1993) regards the Michael Balint’s effort to establish a system of general practitioners in the UK upon the theoretical underpinnings of self-reflexivity as demonstrating the authority of the psychoanalytic approach. In fact, Balint has been known as a compatriot and intellectual inheritor of Ferenczi (Osborne 1993, p. 26; cf. Dupont 1993). Lakoff’s (2005) observation of the Lacanists in the mental wards in Argentina similarly claims that analysts’ self-knowledge is superior to the encroaching pharmacological approach from North America. In his example, however, the legacy of Ferenczi seems to have been overlooked by these analysts (cf. Chertok and Stengers 1992); this case may be the outcome of a failed encounter between Lacan and Ferenczi (Kirshner 2015).
Other members were Karen Horney, Frieda Fromm-Reichman, and Erich Fromm.
Some studied in large-scale state mental hospitals with thousands of beds (Belknap 1956; Dunham and Weinberg 1960; Goffman 1961; Salisbury 1962), whereas others scrutinized a few private hospitals specializing in the cutting-edge experimental therapies of the day (Stanton and Schwartz 1954; Perry 1966). The backgrounds of the social researchers also varied from sociology (Belknap 1956; Dunham and Weinberg 1960; Goffman 1961; Strauss et al. 1964) to social psychology (Stotland and Kobler 1965) and anthropology (Caudill 1958; Salisbury 1962).
Hence, attention was paid to the problem of the “custodial maintenance system” (Belknap 1956; Dunham and Weinberg 1960; Salisbury 1962) or the chronic antagonism between administrative and psychotherapy-oriented psychiatry (Stanton and Schwartz 1954), or between therapists in and out of the ward (Coser 1979) in smaller, private hospitals. In the latter cases, monographs often revealed that quite a few of them observed ‘psychoanalysis in action,’ often with its malfunctions in situ, as also detailed in n. 13 below.
Just a brief overview of its history in the US suffices for the discussion here (cf. Hale 1995; Shorter 1997; Zaretsky 2004; Samuel 2013). After the birth of its first local association in New York City in 1911 with its expansion to the rest of the US, psychoanalysis there was requested as a part of training in psychiatry, with resident training eventually required for all psychoanalyst candidates (Hale 1995). By 1953, 82% of the members of the American Association of Psychoanalysts simultaneously belonged to the American Society of Psychiatry (Shorter 1997). During the war, psychoanalysis was incorporated into university education, and the arrival of refugees from Europe further strengthened this tendency. The membership of the American Psychoanalytic Association increased from 92 in 1932 to 1300 in 1968 (Shorter 1997).
Caudill (1958, pp. 81–82) records doctors’ rejection of nurses’ reports written in a non-analytic formula. Stotland and Kobler (1965) detail a conflict between analysts and other staff in a ward over a proposal that all hospital staff be psychoanalyzed for proper management. The researchers believe this incident led, first, to severe conflict among the staff and, ultimately, to closure of the hospital.
LSD was first synthesized by Albert Hofmann in the Sandoz Chemical–Pharmaceutical Laboratories in Basle, Switzerland, in 1943, followed by Walter Stoll’s examining its effect on psychiatric patients (Grof 1994). In the 1950s, medical research on LSD’s effect on schizophrenia was actively pursued using the “model psychosis” hypothesis, which identified the effect of LSD as close to the real cause of schizophrenia (Langlitz 2006).
LSD’s therapeutic effect was still largely uncertain even in the mid-1960s at the time of Perry’s research (1966, p. 30, n. 25). Diverse approaches were tried for treating depression, alcoholic patients, and so forth (Grof 1994; Dyck 2005) wherein LSD’s abreactive effect—meaning its ability to release the suppressed unconsciousness—was also thought to serve for pursuing psychoanalytic interests (Grof 1994, my emphasis). Perry’s close observation of such ‘experimental’ LSD research was part of this development, where in the Center, it was the element of “depersonification”—namely, the patient’s feeling of being detached from his or her body—which was intended to be re-created by means of LSD (Perry 1966, p. 31, n. 3).
Since then, in the mid-1960s, because of extensive media coverage of the drug’s dangerous effects, as well as radicals’ use of it for trips, LSD was banned and research died off (Grof 1994; Dyck 2005); concern with these drugs has resurged in recent years, specifically for treating anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder (Dyck 2005; Corbin 2013; Halpern 2013; Tupper et al. 2015). On contemporary research practices related to neuroscience, as well as its socio-cultural significance, see Langlitz (2013).
A reviewer of a draft of this article commented that this concept is not very psychoanalytic but closer to the later cognitive theory, a la Jerome Bruner, on motivated perception (Bruner and Postman 1949). While I admit that Sullivan’s idea itself departs from more orthodox psychoanalysis, I wish to emphasize how close Perry’s usage of the term was to the research team’s own view of psychoanalysis. I find it reasonable to speculate that the very team that Perry was following were also influenced by Sullivan’s idea, even though Perry did not provide specific details on this point.
Manning (2005) summarizes the controversy over how direct Goffman’s impact has been on the subsequent move toward deinstitutionalization, though they all seem to agree that his impact was substantial in a wider social context.
Related to the issue of historical oblivion, Hisao Nakai, a prominent psychiatrist and one of the leading translators of Sullivan’s major works in Japan, observing the rapid decline of Sullivan’s influence in psychiatry in the US after his death, conjectured its cause as deriving not only from major changes in psychiatric trends in the US but also from some other negative aspects, such as his aggressive personality (Nakai 2012). See also Wake (2011) on the subtle issues related to Sullivan’s homosexuality with his own therapeutic practices and the larger atmosphere of the time.
I need to emphasize that the version of psychoanalysis described in this paper is only one side of the coin of psychoanalytic practices observed here and there. As briefly mentioned above, quite a few monographs contemporary with Perry’s work reveal the self-righteous attitudes of analysts that exclude a non-analytic approach (Caudill 1958; Stotland and Kobler 1965), a stance that is rightly criticized both by Stengers (1997) and Krause and Guggenheim (2013) above.
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I thank Mike Michael and Geoffrey Bowker for their valuable comments on the early version of this paper; thanks also to two anonymous reviewers for their very constructive comments.
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Fukushima, M. Before Laboratory Life: Perry, Sullivan and the missed encounter between psychoanalysis and STS. BioSocieties 15, 271–293 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41292-019-00157-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41292-019-00157-5