Abstract
This paper examines the nature and behavior of secondary H(igh) tones in Koshikijima Japanese, a highly endangered dialect spoken on three small, remote islands in the south of Japan. This dialect generally has a mora-counting prosodic system with two distinctive accent types/classes (Type A and Type B), and displays two H tones, primary and secondary, in words of three or more moras: The primary H tone appears on the penultimate and final moras in Type A and Type B, respectively, whereas the secondary H tone occurs at the beginning of the word redundantly.
Koshikijima Japanese displays regional variations with respect to the secondary H tone, particularly regarding its domain/position, its (in)dependence on the primary H tone, its interaction with the syllable, and its behavior in postlexical phonology. This paper examines how the secondary H tone behaves differently in three distinct accent systems of the dialect: (i) the system described by Takaji Kamimura eighty years ago, (ii) the one that is found quite extensively on the islands today, including Kamimura’s native village (Nakakoshiki) and Teuchi Village, and (iii) the system observed in Kuwanoura Village today. Comparing the three accent systems, this paper also proposes historical scenarios to account for the different behaviors of the secondary H tone across time and space.
Funding statement: The work reported in this paper is based on collaborative fieldwork with Zendo Uwano, Nobuko Kibe, Akiko Matsumori, Tomoyuki Kubo, and Tetsuo Nitta. It was supported by the JSPS KAKENHI Grant Numbers 26244022, 16H06319 and 17K18502 as well as the NINJAL collaborative research project ‘Cross-linguistic studies of Japanese prosody and grammar’.
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