Abstract
Approaches to anaphora generally seek to explain the potential for a DP to covary with a pronoun in terms of a combination of factors, such as (i) the inherent semantics of the antecedent DP (i.e., whether it is indefinite, quantificational, referential), (ii) its scope properties, and (iii) its structural position. A case in point is Reinhart’s classic condition on bound anaphora, paraphrasable as A DP can antecede a pronoun pro only if the DP c-commands pro at S-structure, supplemented with some extra machinery to allow indefinites to covary with pronouns beyond their c-command domains. In the present paper, I explore a different take. I propose that anaphora is governed not by DPs and their properties; it is governed by predicates (i.e., in the unary case, objects of type <e, t>) and their properties. To use a metaphor from dynamic semantics: discourse referents can only be ‘activated’ by predicates, never by DPs (Dynamic Predication Principle). This conceptually simple assumption is shown to have far-reaching consequences. For one, it yields a new take on weak crossover, arguably worthy of consideration. Moreover, it leads to a further general “restatement of the anaphora question”, in Reinhart’s (Linguist Philos 6: 47–88, 1983) words.
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Acknowledgements
I am indebted to Adriana Belletti, Ivano Caponigro, Keny Chatain, Veneeta Dayal, Patrick Eliot, Anamaria Falauš, Luigi Rizzi, Daniel Rothschild, Ken Safir, Uli Sauerland, Yasu Sudo, the audiences at ZAS (twice), Paris 7, and at the joint Harvard/MIT seminar co-taught with Irene Heim in 2017. The influence of Daniel Büring’s work and of his comments are visible throughout this paper. I am also grateful to two anonymous NALS referees. I was not able to incorporate into the final manuscript all the good feedback I got since this project started. Thanks to Christine Bartels for her masterful editorial work on my two most challenging papers, twenty years apart from each other. I’d like to dedicate this (very tentative) work to Tanya Reinhart, for the years of discussions and friendship we had.
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Chierchia, G. Origins of weak crossover: when dynamic semantics meets event semantics. Nat Lang Semantics 28, 23–76 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-019-09158-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-019-09158-3