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Fractionalization and reform: a framework of political collaboration with application to Lebanon

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Abstract

How does fractionalization affect political collaboration on reform? We develop a theory to explain observable variation in legislative output over time and policy areas. We show how the properties of a reform project determine the extent to which fractionalization affects political collaboration on reform. We apply our framework to the case of Lebanon and present mixed-methods evidence based on a novel comprehensive dataset of legislative activity and 32 interviews with parliamentarians, ex-ministers, and other high ranking officials. Our findings contribute to explaining ambiguous evidence in the literature on the political economy of reform.

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Notes

  1. The purpose of the law was to ensure the stability of the financial sector by complying with fresh United States regulations and sanctions aimed at curtailing economic and financial activities of organizations related to terrorist groups as well as drug and weapons smuggling. The law was controversial as it incurred potential distributional consequences on politically powerful groups financed by rents from related activities. Available at: http://www.bdl.gov.lb/files/laws/Law44_en[3].pdf. Accessed 25 July 2019.

  2. Analyzing just one country is, of course, only a step towards a comprehensive comparative approach. However, case studies are found to be a suitable means to explore heretofore unobserved causal mechanisms between variables “because they are not limited to the variables or measures of complex concepts that appear in preexisting datasets” (Gerring 2007; Weller and Barnes 2014, p. 4). Therefore, the paper aims at providing a conceptual basis for the application to future empirical work on a comparative basis.

  3. For example, the average number of laws passed per year from 1990 until 2009 in Lebanon was 80.2 compared to 186.3 for a set of European countries. Source: Authors’ calculation based on data of the “Comparative Agenda Project” and the Lebanese Official Gazette. Countries included: Belgium, Denmark, France, Hungary, Netherlands, Spain. Available at: comparativeagendas.net.

  4. It is important to note here that the concept of fractionalization refers to any identification criterion that gains in political meaning, including ethnicity or religion (Cammett 2014). As discussed below, fractionalization in the Lebanese case refers to sectarian-based political identities.

  5. Second semi-annual report of the Secretary-General to the Security Council on the implementation of resolution 1559. Available at: https://undocs.org/S/2005/673. Accessed 7 Dec 2018.

  6. They gained parliamentary representation and won 6 and 15 of 128 parliamentary seats in the 2005 general elections that were held in May and June after the revolution. See the official webpages of the Lebanese Government. http://www.pcm.gov.lb/arabic/subpg.aspx?pageid=31. Accessed October 2017.

  7. See Sect. 4 of this paper and Mahmalat and Chaitani (2020) as well as, for example, Leenders (2012) and Salamey (2014) for more detailed information on this point.

  8. See the official webpages of the Lebanese Government and parliament. http://www.pcm.gov.lb/arabic/subpg.aspx?pageid=31, http://www.loc.gov/law/help/legal-research-guide/lebanon.php. Accessed October 2017.

  9. The archive can be accessed under: https://almustachar.com/. accessed May 2018, dataset is available for download at mounirmahmalat.com/data.

  10. Geo-political developments as a potential confounding factor, which could conceivably have changed the ideational environment for political priorities in the same time period, are highly unlikely to invalidate our results. Since we include a diverse set of policy areas in our dependent variables and robustness checks that covers a variety of issue areas which are moreover specific to the Lebanese context, policymaking is unlikely to be susceptible to a similar degree in all areas to a potential international ideational change.

  11. 22 parties or blocs in the 2009–2018 parliamentary cycle.

  12. The seven biggest parties are: Free Patriotic Movement, Lebanese Forces, Kataeb (all majority Christian supporters), Future Movement (majority Sunni Muslim supporters), Amal and Hezbollah (majority Shi’a Muslim supporters), the Progressive Socialist Party (majority Druze supporters).

  13. Voters exhibit a high degree of loyalty to a party: more than 90 per cent of voters voted for the same party in the 2009 and 2018 parliamentary elections (Mourad and Sanchez 2019). Accordingly, the “democratic accountability” measure of the Political Risk Services Group (PRS), indicating the degree of responsiveness of governments to citizens’ demands, increased from 2 in 1990 to 5 in 2004, so before the revolution, and remained stable on 5 thereafter.

  14. While they remained major political platforms during the 2018 general elections, they ceased in their relevance to structure political life after 2015/2016 and amended the political narrative that gave them political meaning.

  15. While the average period to form a government was 6 days from 1989 to 2005, this time increased to 100 days from 2005 to 2016. Accordingly, the measure “government stability” of PRS, assessing “both of the government’s ability to carry out its declared program(s), and its ability to stay in office”, decreased from an average of 7.8 in 1990 until 2004 to an average of 6.3 from 2005 to 2016.

  16. For example, Salti and Chaaban (2010) investigate the geographical distribution of public resource allocation in order to trace each municipality’s (i.e. sect’s) share of public spending. They find that public resource allocation is based on a “one-man one-dollar rule,” rather than on a distribution based on financial needs. Each municipality obtains public funds in relation to the demographic size of their constitutencies rather than their developmental needs.

  17. Authors’ calculations, The Monthly (2017).

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Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful for support and helpful comments on earlier drafts provided by Marsin Alshamary, Michael Breen, Melani Cammett, Jonas Draege, Jeffry Frieden, David Jacobson, Sarah El-Jamal, Mohammad Pournik, and research groups at the Harvard Kennedy School Middle East Initiative, Economic Research Forum, Orient Institute Beirut, and Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs. The authors further gratefully acknowledge funding from the Irish Research Council (GOIPG/2018/1389) as well as the Economic Research Forum (ERF), providing both financial and intellectual support. Note that the contents and recommendations do not necessarily reflect ERF’s views.

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Appendix: Interview evidence

Appendix: Interview evidence

This section provides an overview of the makeup of the interview evidence, the sampling strategy, the sample, and the interview framework. This study draws on accounts of thirty-two expert-interviews with high ranking political actors of all factions in the parliament, within a guideline based, semi-structured interview approach. The interview sample is designed to capture the viewpoints and narratives of all major factions represented in the Lebanese parliament. Reflecting and merging the narratives about specific contentious political issues of all parties involved enables an analysis detached from the subjective ideological realm of the interviewee. The interview framework, therefore, focuses on specific instances of reform currently discussed in the parliamentary debate.

The interviews are based on guidelines with open-ended questions to allow for the free association of the interviewees towards the motives discussed (Hollway and Jefferson 2000, 2008; Mason 2002). The interviews are coded and analyzed following the Rubin and Rubin (2005) method of predefined coding structures. The approach requires a definition of the key concepts and themes as well as the relationship between them, based on literature reviews and the elaboration of hypotheses (Rubin and Rubin 2005, p. 206). The Rubin and Rubin approach is suitable for the analysis since the research questions, hypotheses, and the epistemological framework was laid out before the commencement of the research process.

1.1 Interview sample

The sampling strategy focuses on political actors in their role as active Members of Parliament, former Ministers of State, government officials or high-ranking party members, and reflects the viewpoints of all major political parties. The participants have been chosen according to party affiliation and exposition to, or membership of, the budgetary or economic committee in the parliament. By focusing on political actors on economic and budgetary issues, the sampling assured to rely on participants that should have the resolution to financial and socioeconomic questions as their core field of expertise and daily work. What is more, participants of economic and budgetary committees are the actors most likely to comprehend the extent to which economic conditions pose a threat to the current economic order. Lastly and as to be discussed below, the process of introducing laws should originate from initiatives of Members of Parliament that introduce legislative proposals into parliamentary committees. Since parliamentarians often cannot craft legislation themselves, the interview sampling includes members of economic and financial councils of political parties, as well as economists and researchers from ministries and international organizations that support the process of legal drafting.

The central goal of the selection process of interview participants was to obtain the viewpoints of all major factions represented within the parliament and government. That way, we control for ideological and organizational differences in attitudes towards collaboration among parties. The sampling process allows one to establish a coherent picture of each participants’ and party’s narratives to define the “problem” under consideration (such as economic crisis, income inequality, fractionalization), the problems’ respective origins, and the proposed solutions. All interviews have been conducted between February 2017 and March 2018 in Beirut. Table 5 provides an overview of interview participants.

Table 5 Overview of interviewee affiliation

1.2 Interview framework

Figure 3 provides an overview of the interview framework. Fields shaded in dark gray represent the phenomena of interest, namely the phenomenon of differing perceptions of the same set of economic challenges, and the phenomenon of collaboration among political parties.

Fig. 3
figure 3

Interview framework for expert-interviews (own illustration)

The interview framework is structured in four themes. The first theme elicits the narratives and perceptions of the challenges related to economic downturn or financial pressure. Participants should explain how they assess the severity of the economic and budgetary pressures, what they identify to be causes, and which solutions the interviewees personally and, in particular, their party offers to resolve related problems. Lastly, the interviewees should relate to the extent to which perceived economic and financial pressures influence their work and potentially facilitate political collaboration.

The second theme focuses on the influence of a party’s constituency. In particular, the interviewees were asked to reflect on the extent to which characteristics of their supporter base influence their assessment of specific policy proposals. A tax hike proposal served as a focal point of discussion about the fairness of redistributional measures. Reflecting on the needs of a party’s supporter base, in particular with regards to the relative impact of a policy proposal such as impactful as the tax hike proposal, then, enables an assessment of the extent to which a party takes relative income inequality into account for their decisions on collaboration.

In the third theme, interviewees were asked to reflect on the impact of fractionalization, that is, the high number of parties involved in negotiations, and political polarization. There are two reasons why these concepts were discussed within the same theme, although their theoretically different transmission channels could have suggested otherwise: (a) the question design should avoid suggestion as of hinting at the origins of polarization; (b) interviewees were likely to conflate the two in the same answer. The interviewees should, therefore, indicate in which instances a high number of negotiating partners hinders collaboration, and in which instances these can be overcome. The same applies to the concept of polarization, which the interviewees were asked to define before. That way, the interviewees should indicate to which extent geostrategic, sectarian, or other ideological polarization influences the mechanism by which fractionalization and polarization influence collaboration.

Lastly, the fourth theme focused on general patterns of collaboration within the parliament and the committees, in which an interviewee was a member. That way, previous answers could be reflected and contextualized with examples given by the interviewees.

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Mahmalat, M., Curran, D. Fractionalization and reform: a framework of political collaboration with application to Lebanon. Econ Gov 21, 187–214 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-020-00237-4

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