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The economics of politics: patronage and political selection in Italy

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Abstract

This article investigates patronage in the Second Italian Republic by considering patronage a fundamental device able to guarantee a party presence in the governance of public bodies. The study sheds light on a particular area of party patronage, namely political appointments concerning legislators; it analyzes the factors which could determine whether a member of Parliament will be appointed to a state-owned enterprise’s board of directors after a legislature, seeking to gain a better understanding of how political actors exploit this opportunity. Direct political connections can be conceptualized as instruments to control and reward politicians and/or strategies to enhance political control over the bureaucracy. The empirical investigation suggests that legislators’ efforts in Parliament play a role in the likelihood of patronage appointments. Education does not seem to significantly increase the probability of receiving a nomination for a seat on public firms’ boards, moreover our result casts doubt on the merits or competencies of the appointed politicians.

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Notes

  1. The only exception being Italian Decree Law 39/2013, which, however, does not regard national legislators. The only law specific to national legislators is Italian Law 60/1953, which, however, does not prevent members of parliament from being appointed to public firms’ boards of directors.

  2. The term congruency was used by Besley (2006) to indicate politicians who share voters’ objectives either through a sense of duty or because their preferences are aligned. In our paper, on the contrary, we focus on the politicians congruent with party needs i.e. on politicians who are loyal to their own party.

  3. See, among others, https://www.corriere.it/politica/14_novembre_12/tutti-incarichi-riciclati-e4fa3146-6a3a-11e4-bebe-52d388825827.shtml.

  4. Number of votes for which the MP was absent without a formal justification.

  5. Taking the name of the legislator Sergio Mattarella, who sponsored the electoral rule reform.

  6. Where the State, or a local government unit, holds, directly or indirectly, firm capital shares.

  7. The data have been collected by Gagliarducci et al. (2008) within a research project financed by “ERE—Empirical Research in Economics” and are available for download on the website www.empirical-economics.com.

  8. Observations with missing values are dropped from the sample

  9. Probably, it also represents a lack of congruency wuth their constituency.

  10. The opposition parties are always the ruling parties in the next term.

  11. They correspond to 68 MPs and 214 records.

  12. Given that about 24% of the values predicted by ordinary least squares estimation are negative, as we show in Table 6 of the “Appendix”. The “Appendix” provides technical details on how we determined the most proper specification of the model.

  13. Also the LPM reject the random effect model, see the “Appendix”.

  14. This could be the result of having a strong unbalanced panel data set, with about the half of the sample having only one observation.

  15. We also test the variable exp_lex which accounts for the MP’s political experience, measured as the number of national Parliament legislatures in which the MP has been present before being elected in the legislature under investigation. Said variable is never significant.

  16. As we show in the “Appendix”, such variables significantly determine the selection of sub-samples, but the selection does not influence the results on the appointment since the Heckman model allows for the exclusion of a selection bias problem.

  17. In other words, the party rewards loyal MPs (MPs with experience in Parliament, who are born out of district and who are party officials) by making them re-run for Parliament, and Heckman’s model selection equations confirm this view (see the “Appendix”).

  18. In the same vein, we can explain the appointment of journalists and self-employed people when the MP does not run again for a seat. In effect, an MP who is not a candidate again could try to return to their previous job. This could be difficult for an MP who was self employed

  19. We propose to consider a different time period for the analysis for further research.

  20. As the selection equation in Appendix Table 9 suggest.

  21. We refer to l. 190/2012 and to d.lgs. 39/2013.

  22. In order to check for nonlinearity in the parameters we also included in the regression square terms of the continuous variable, without obtaining significant results. We also tried to interact the presence rate variable with the other variables, again without significant results.

  23. Considering that the specific form of the function that maps the index model into the response probability cannot be derived from an existing economic model, we note that the differences emerging from the different estimates are not so substantial as to question the general sense of the results. The estimation results show that some covariates are always statistically significant in explaining the appointment of Italian MPs.

  24. We apply Mundlak (1978)’s suggestion also to LPM and LOGIT models, with p values of 0.1168 and 0.2438 respectively.

  25. Both in LOGIT (p value = 0.497) and in PROBIT (p value = 0.497) models.

  26. This could be the result of having a strong unbalanced panel data set, with about half of the sample having only one observation.

  27. After excluding this variable from the main regression equation, since it is not statistically significant.

  28. Note that born_out_district and politicians are statistically different from zero only in the selection equations but not in the subsample estimations.

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Acknowledgements

Authors thanks Diego Piacentino and two anonymous referees for their comments and suggestions. The usual disclaimers apply.

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Appendix A: Technical details

Appendix A: Technical details

We start from a linear probability model (LPM) using a pooled ordinary least squares estimation

$$\begin{aligned} p(y=1|X_i) = \alpha + \beta X_i + \gamma lex \end{aligned}$$

where the vector of individual characteristics, \(X_i\), and legislatures dummies (lex) are used to explain the phenomenon.Footnote 22 In the linear probability model, the estimated parameters are the change in probability given a one-unit increase of the regressors. If the explanatory variable is binary, the related parameter is just the difference in the probability of success when it is equal to one with respect to the case where it is equal to zero, holding the other regressors fixed. We consider the linear probability model as only the starting point of the analysis. Since the OLS fitted value is an estimate of the conditional probability \(P(y=1|x_i)\), it is troublesome if the predicted probability is negative or above unity. Aside from fitted values being outside the unit interval, the linear probability model implies that a ceteris paribus unit increase in the regressors always changes \(P(y=1|x_i)\) by the same amount, regardless of the initial value of the covariate. Hence, increasing one of the explanatory variables would eventually drive \(P(y=1|x_i)\) to be less than zero or greater than one. The fact that some predicted probabilities are outside the unit interval and that the linear probability model does not provide good estimates for extreme values of the regressors leads us to consider a nonlinear model as our primary specification (Wooldridge 2010).

Table 6 Linear predictions

Nonlinearity is considered more appropriate, given that about 25% of the values predicted by ordinary least squares estimation are negative (see Table 6). In doing so, we study our binary response model in the form \(P(y=1|x)=G(x \beta ) \equiv p(x)\), where, therefore, the marginal effect of \(x_i\) depends on x through the index \(x \beta \), and where the G function maps the index into the response probability. We will show that LPM, Probit and Logit models give very similar results in terms of average marginal effects (Table 7). As shown in Table 8, Probit and Logit models also display almost equal measures of goodness of fit.Footnote 23 For this reason we present in the main text a Probit model as our primary specification.

Table 7 Marginal effects comparison
Table 8 Goodness of fit
Table 9 Twostage Heckman’s procedure

Although the dataset is strongly unbalanced we try to exploit its panel structure, even though 799 MPs out of 1407 are present only once in the sample legislatures. In LPM, the null hypothesis that all of the fixed effect intercepts are zero has to be rejected. In line with Wooldridge (2010), we test whether there is a statistical significant difference between the fixed effect estimator and the random effect estimator. In LPM random effect coefficients are not significantly different from fixed effect (Hausman’s error probability to reject null hypothesis when it is true is 0.379), thus there is an efficiency gain in using random effect. Allowing for heteroskedasticity and autocorrelation, we implemented another type of cluster-robust Hausman test based on bootstrapping, following Cameron and Trivedi (2005). The covariance matrix was estimated by bootstrap resampling over the individual identification variable (id) Using 100 bootstrap repetitions the p value of the test converges to 0.0157, suggesting the statistically significance of individual fixed effects. Finally, the Breusch and Pagan tests accept the null hypothesis that the variance of the random effect is zero, suggesting to use the OLS specification (\(p=0.406\)). Thus, there is no conclusive indication on which model has to be preferred with LPM.

Moreover the correct specification should be non linear, therefore we test for the presence of fixed effects following Mundlak (1978). We run an auxiliary regression including the individual means of all the time-varying covariates as additional explanatory variables, and then we run the model as a random effect Probit. Then we test the significance of the individual means through a Wald test. Assuming that fixed effects follow a normal distribution, and that they are linear combinations of the individual means times the related coefficients, in the nonlinear version of the model we would exclude fixed effects. In this case the p value is 0.9999.Footnote 24

Once fixed effects are excluded through the Mundlak approach, we consider the non-linear pooled analysis to be more appropriate than the random effects model. The fraction of variance due to the individual unobserved effect (\(\rho \)) is significantly equal to zeroFootnote 25, therefore the possible gain in exploiting the dataset panel form results irrelevant, also considering the cost of the assumptions about the error term.Footnote 26

Finally, we also considered endogeneity issues. Endogeneity arose in our model in all of the three usual ways: omitted variables due to data unavailability, measurement error due to imperfect measures of some regressors, and simultaneity due to the possible reverse causality between the dependent variable and (one of) the regressors. What the dataset allows us to do is test the exogeneity of the retire variable through an instrumental variable approach, using the age_exitFootnote 27 variable as an instrument in the linear specification of the model. The reasoning behind testing the exogeneity of retire is quite straightforward. For the defeat case we assumed that it is highly unlikely to observe a reverse causality possibility: we assumed that the returns from being a legislator always outweigh those of becoming a public manager and, therefore, no legislator would lose an election in order to gain an appointment to a PPE board, once selected from the party to run again for Parliament. In the retire case, things could be different: a party may prefer to replace a legislator in the next electoral race, inducing her to withdraw in order to make room for a new candidate. In this event, the legislator and the party could agree in an “exit strategy”, therefore the appointment would be the cause and not the consequence of the legislator’s withdrawal. Using the age_exit variable as an instrument for retire seemed quite a straightforward solution, considering variables available in the dataset. Both the Durbin’s and Wu-Hausman’s tests accept the null hypothesis of considering the retire variable as exogenous (Durbin \(p=0.5170\) and Wu-Hausman \(p=0.5205\)).

When we run the probit models on the subsamples, a selection bias problem could arise. When estimating the subsamplesFootnote 28 with a two stage Heckman procedure (Table 9), the coefficient of inverse Mills ratio is not significant, thus no selection bias is present in subsample ones. Moreover the results are stronger in the retire sub sample.

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Quaresima, F., Fiorillo, F. The economics of politics: patronage and political selection in Italy. Econ Gov 21, 27–48 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-019-00231-5

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