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Gender equity, labor rights, and women’s empowerment: lessons from Fairtrade certification in Ecuador flower plantations

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Abstract

Certification programs seek to promote decent work in global agriculture, yet little is known about their gender standards and implications for female workers, who are often the most disadvantaged. This study outlines the gender standard domains of major agricultural certifications, showing how some programs (Fair Trade USA, Rainforest) prioritize addressing gender equality in employment and others (Fairtrade International, UTZ) incorporate wider gender rights. To illuminate the implications of gender standards in practice, I analyze Fairtrade certification and worker experience on certified flower plantations in Ecuador, drawing on a qualitative and quantitative field research study. (1) I show how Fairtrade seeks to bolster the wellbeing of female workers, addressing their workplace needs via equal employment, treatment, and remuneration standards and their reproductive needs via maternity leave and childcare services. My research demonstrates that for female workers, addressing family responsibilities is critical, since they shape women’s ability to take paid jobs, their employment needs, and their overall wellbeing. (2) I show how Fairtrade seeks to bolster the rights of women workers through individual and collective capacity building standards. My findings reveal how promoting women’s individual empowerment serves as a precondition for collective empowerment, and how targeting traditional labor rights is insufficient for empowering female workers, since their strategic choices are curtailed largely outside the workplace. While Fairtrade certification bolsters the wellbeing and rights of female workers in and beyond the workplace, much still needs to be done before women can claim their rights as workers and citizens.

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Notes

  1. Author’s analysis of 441 Fairtrade News Stories from October 31, 2008 to October 31, 2019.

  2. Fairtrade International commissioned many of the above studies and none provide a systematic analysis of certified flower plantations in Ecuador.

  3. Due to time constraints, all research activities could not be completed on all farms.

  4. Low-level area supervisors are included in the sample; one respondent was excluded because he was promoted to mid-level supervisor.

  5. According to flower industry officials.

  6. The Latin American Fairtrade Producer Network reports similar labor force numbers for Ecuador’s flower plantations but suggests that 56% are women (CLAC 2018).

  7. Samples are merged to facilitate analysis since labor forces do not vary greatly by plantation.

  8. In Ecuador household assets (except those inherited or brought to the partnership) are owned jointly by legally married or registered consensual union partners (Deere et al. 2014).

  9. Primary school is free in Ecuador, but parents must pay for supplies, fees, and transportation, fueling educational disparities (Masala and Monni 2020).

  10. Although the Ecuadorian government in 2008 instituted policies framed as having “a woman's face”—including recognizing women’s role in ensuring family welfare and identifying care work as part of the “good living” enshrined in the constitution—these policies have done little to address women’s conflicting responsibilities for income earning and caregiving (Lind 2012a).

  11. Female workers’ longer tenure may also reflect restricted alternative job opportunities.

  12. A few women discuss their prior domestic abuse; none discuss ongoing violence.

  13. Company documents confirm that the four plantations have annual sexual harassment training, harassment grievance filings, and disciplinary actions, including firing and demoting supervisors and reassigning workers and supervisors.

  14. It could be that there is equal treatment, but men and women assess this treatment differently.

  15. Greenhouse entrance signs record fumigation timing, chemicals applied, and when workers can reenter.

  16. All residents of Ecuador’s major flower regions appear to have high chemical exposure, whether they work in flowers or not (Handal et al. 2016).

  17. One personnel office has a wallchart depicting worker status and assignments. During my research, no employees were identified as pregnant, three as on maternity leave, and three as nursing.

  18. Martínez Valle (2017) argues that most flower plantations abide by Ecuadorian wage laws.

  19. Company records list further health, safety, and environmental trainings.

  20. One illiterate focus group participant asked that the response chart be read aloud to ensure that her opinion had been correctly recorded.

  21. My research documents female advancement: a secretary promoted to Quality Control Manager, an assistant accountant promoted to Certification Officer, and another Certification Officer elected to provincial office.

  22. Women in my survey report having less money available for personal use then men. When asked to identify their purchases, 79% of women identified items for family members, not themselves.

  23. Confirming findings by Grosse (2016).

  24. Henderson (2018) argues that in Ecuadorian floral regions most people identify as “peasants” rather than “workers,” even though they live largely off wages.

  25. Ecuador’s major rural union admits to historically prioritizing men’s concerns (FENACLE 2011).

  26. Although I find no statistically significant relationship between Premium Committee experience and gender, women in my study are less likely to have been members than men, and less likely to have served on the Premium than the Workers’ Committee.

  27. Premium Committee records list women and men equally as project beneficiaries.

  28. This meeting, which I attended, was not a General Assembly where projects are selected. The laundry idea was introduced to gauge interest prior to project proposal development.

Abbreviations

ILO:

International Labour Organization

NGO:

Non-governmental organization

SDG:

Sustainable Development Goal

UN:

United Nations

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Acknowledgements

I gratefully acknowledge the National Science Foundation, SBE- Sociology program (award 0920980) for funding a portion of the research presented here. I thank Erica Schelly, Meghan Mordy, and Nefratiri Weeks for their research assistance. Most of all I am indebted to the Fairtrade certified farm owners, managers, and workers in Ecuador and the NGO representatives who informed this study. No funding was received from Fairtrade International or other certification organizations. The views presented here are those of the author and should not be attributed to these individuals or organizations.

Funding

Funding for a portion of this research was received from the National Science Foundation, SBE- Sociology program (award 0920980). No funding was received from Fairtrade International or other certification organizations.

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Correspondence to Laura T. Raynolds.

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Raynolds, L.T. Gender equity, labor rights, and women’s empowerment: lessons from Fairtrade certification in Ecuador flower plantations. Agric Hum Values 38, 657–675 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10460-020-10171-0

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