The linguistic landscape of any country reveals a lot about the linguistic identity of its citizens, especially if it is a bottom-up linguistic landscape. In Algeria, which is a multi-cultural and multi-lingual context, the linguistic landscape witnessed a remarkable shift in linguistic preferences that is represented in bottom-up signs. This shift is characterized by the addition of a new linguistic entity, English, to the Algerian linguistic landscape. In Algerian society, it is easily observed that English is not commonly present in the top-down signs assigned by the Algerian government, which contrasts with the signs of private businesses such as fashion shops, restaurants, and coffee shops. In fact, English has been found in Algerian signs since the 1990s when foreign energy companies like British Petroleum (BP) arrived and introduced the language in the country (Euromonitor, 2012), but it has become prevalent in the bottom-up signs of private businesses, which were previously dominated by other languages, i.e., Arabic and French. For those who are unfamiliar with the Algerian context, Arabic and Berber (or Tamazight) are the official languages of the country while French and English are the foreign languages. French is the first foreign language, while English is the second foreign language. Despite this clear linguistic planning, there has been unclear planning of the linguistic landscape on the part of the Algerian government, mostly in top-down signs. For instance, the government uses monolingual and bilingual signs that disregard English in the majority of signs. The monolingual signs are either Arabic or French. Berber is used in monolingual signs only in cities of Berber ethnicity. On the other hand, the bilingual signs are mostly written in Arabic and French or Arabic and Berber, the latter signs being found only in Berber-ethnicity cities such as Bejaia, Khenchela, Batna, and Tizi Ouzou. Overall, the government and Algerian citizens have rather different linguistic landscape practices since Algerians opt for integrating English, the language of globalization, presenting it in different bottom-up signs alongside other languages.

任何国家的语言景观都揭示了其公民的语言身份，特别是如果它是自下而上的语言景观。在阿尔及利亚这个多文化、多语言的国家，语言景观见证了语言偏好的显着转变，这体现在自下而上的符号中。这一转变的特点是阿尔及利亚语言景观中增加了一种新的语言实体——英语。在阿尔及利亚社会，不难发现，阿尔及利亚政府指定的自上而下的标志中并不常见英语，这与时装店、餐馆、咖啡店等私营企业的标志形成鲜明对比。事实上，自 20 世纪 90 年代以来，英国石油 (BP) 等外国能源公司抵达阿尔及利亚并在该国引入了该语言（Euromonitor，2012），英语就出现在阿尔及利亚标志中，但它在私营企业自下而上的标志中变得普遍。以前由其他语言（即阿拉伯语和法语）主导的业务。对于那些不熟悉阿尔及利亚背景的人来说，阿拉伯语和柏柏尔语（或塔马齐特语）是该国的官方语言，而法语和英语是外语。法语是第一外语，英语是第二外语。尽管有这样明确的语言规划，但阿尔及利亚政府对语言景观的规划一直不明确，主要是自上而下的标志。例如，政府使用单语和双语标志，但大多数标志都忽略英语。单语标志要么是阿拉伯语，要么是法语。柏柏尔语仅在柏柏尔族城市中用于单语标志。另一方面，双语标志大多用阿拉伯语和法语或阿拉伯语和柏柏尔语书写，后者仅在贝贾亚、肯切拉、巴特纳和提齐乌祖等柏柏尔族城市中发现。总体而言，政府和阿尔及利亚公民的语言景观实践截然不同，因为阿尔及利亚人选择整合英语这一全球化语言，将其与其他语言一起以不同的自下而上的符号呈现。