It has been observed that a subset of dative verbs that can express causation of possession such as cwu- ‘give’, ceykongha- ‘offer’ and cikupha- ‘pay’ may be found in the double accusative frame as well as in the DAT(ive)-ACC(usative) frame in Korean. These verbs contrast with transfer of possession verbs such as kennay- ‘hand’ and phal- ‘sell’ and verbs of sending and throwing, which are found in the DAT-ACC frame only. This paper presents a meaning-based account of the limited productivity of the dative/accusative alternation in Korean dative verbs. Building on Croft et al. (2001) and Levin (2004, 2008b), I argue that the semantic classes of dative verbs form an implicational hierarchy pure caused possession > transfer of possession > caused motion, which ranks verbs in terms of the degree of the compatibility with a caused possession event type. I suggest three criteria for compatibility between verb meaning and constructional meaning and show that the analysis of verb–construction pairings proposed here, when combined with an account of variation, provides a unified explanation for verb distribution patterns observed for ditransitive constructions within and across languages and the morphosyntactic expression of recipients of dative verbs in Korean. It accounts for the limited productivity of the dative/accusative alternation in dative verbs in Korean as a consequence of choosing the cut-off point at the highest end of this hierarchy, thus explaining why only the verb class that is most compatible with the caused possession event type, i.e. pure caused possession verbs, may be used ditransitively.

中文翻译：

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韩语与格结构中的双及物层次、语义相容性和接受者的实现

已经观察到，可以表达占有的原因的与格动词的子集，例如cwu-'给'，西贡哈-“报价”和奇库帕-'pay' 可以在双宾格框架中找到，也可以在韩语的 DAT(ive)-ACC(usative) 框架中找到。这些动词与占有动词的转移形成对比，例如肯尼-“手”和ph-'sell' 以及发送和投掷的动词，仅在 DAT-ACC 帧中找到。本文对韩语与格动词中与格/宾格交替的有限生产力进行了基于意义的解释。建立在 Croft 等人的基础上。(2001) 和 Levin (2004, 2008b)，我认为与格动词的语义类别形成了一个隐含层次，纯引起占有 > 占有转移 > 引起运动，它根据与引起占有的相容程度对动词进行排名。事件类型。我提出了动词意义和构式意义之间相容性的三个标准，并表明这里提出的对动词-构式配对的分析，当结合对变体的解释时，为观察到的双及物结构中和跨语言的动词分布模式以及韩语与格动词接受者的形态句法表达提供了统一的解释。它解释了韩语与格动词中的与格/宾格交替的有限生产力，因为选择了这个层次结构的最高端的截止点，从而解释了为什么只有与引起占有最相容的动词类别事件类型，即纯引起占有动词，可以双及物使用。