This article examines three types of organizations – the party, the labor union, and the church – to help explain how right-wing authoritarianism returned to power in Brazil, once the largest social democracy in the Americas. Drawing on four decades of time series data from three government organs and a multi-year qualitative study of political terrain shifts, the author shows that Pentecostal churches eclipsed left-leaning civic organizations as the primary settings in which large segments of the population experienced politics. As the evangelical electorate grew – eventually forming one of the most powerful (albeit heterogeneous) social movements in the country – political and clerical leaders constructed and articulated this new identity around specific projects. In 2018, this project was bolsonarismo, marking a shift away from evangelicals’ historic support for lulismo. The implication of this argument is that even in an age of diffuse media, atomized protest, and fragmented party systems, the political labor of group-making that happens inside organizations can critically affect the conditions that give rise to (or protect against) illiberal politics.

中文翻译：

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税收和什一税：bolsonarismo 的组织基础

本文考察了三种类型的组织——政党、工会和教会——以帮助解释右翼威权主义如何在巴西重新掌权，巴西曾经是美洲最大的社会民主国家。作者利用来自三个政府机构的四个十年时间序列数据和对政治地形变化的多年定性研究表明，五旬节教会超越左倾公民组织，成为大部分人口经历政治的主要环境。随着福音派选民的成长——最终形成了该国最强大（尽管是异类）的社会运动之一——政治和文职领导人围绕特定项目构建并阐明了这种新身份。在 2018 年，这个项目是 bolsonarismo，标志着福音派对 lulismo 的历史性支持的转变。这一论点的含义是，即使在一个媒体分散、抗议分散和政党制度支离破碎的时代，组织内部发生的群体制造的政治劳动也可以严重影响导致（或防止）非自由政治的条件.