In recent years, one of themost significant shifts in the field of Islam in Indonesia is the increasing reliance of Muslims on social media when practising their faith. To a certain extent, media practices have become indistinguishable from religious practices and, most importantly, Muslims themselves often perceive their online activities as part of their pious endeavours to improve their religiosity. Social media are particularly relevant in this regard because they, perhaps like no other media, are deeply embedded in users’ everyday lives (Horst 2012; Miller et al. 2016). The articles assembled in this special issue represent intriguing examples of how social media, the religious, and the everyday intersect. They are also at the forefront of latest developments in the study of media and religion, and Islam in particular, that stress practice in concrete social environments over doctrine, content analysis or mere reception (Gershon 2010; Postill 2010). In other words, within the anthropology of Islam, Islam has become increasingly understood as a set of practices that can be explored, asserted and questioned (Bowen 2012), andmedia studies have also discovered the agency of users. To what extent these theoretical shifts were inspired by the introduction of new or social media is open to debate, yet it seems obvious that this conjuncture of new approaches in studies of Islam and newmedia provide a useful analytical orientation to examine the latest dynamics of Islam in Indonesia. That this field appears so dynamic today, can of course not only be attributed to the introduction of new communication technologies and new media. Indonesia has undergone significant social and political changes in the last decades, comprising the rise of a Muslim middle class that started to ‘consume’ Islam (Fealy 2008; Jones 2012) and the opening up of its political system after the fall of Suharto in 1998. This is another conjuncture that we can discern, not in theory but on the ground, namely that these social and political developments coincided with the transformation of Indonesia’s media landscape, particularly with the introduction of the Internet in the late 1990s. Whereas I want to refrain from establishing a causal link here, one cannot deny that the Internet, and later social media, have contributed to far-reaching developments in Indonesia, such as the pluralisation of communication channels, making it difficult for political players to (re)establish a condition of discursive hegemony (by that I do not argue that hegemonic discourses do not exist in Indonesia, especially in the realm of religion). At the same time, it would be inadequate to portray the context in which Islam is practised through social media in today’s Indonesia as a realm of unconditional opportunities and freedoms, or as solely inspired by a spirit of tolerance and democracy. A closer look at the articles of this special issue would not justify such a view. However, what one can note is that the constraints Muslims find in expressing their religiosity online are mostly negotiated in the field of Islam itself, with the number of players that are involved in the discussions having certainly increased. What this special issue thus attests to is the contemporary assemblage of a politically dynamic, economically (unequally) developing, and (also unequally) media-savvy Indonesia that allows for a variety of Islamic practices online which often reflect the novel ways in which Muslims express their religion (see also Barendregt 2012; Slama 2017b).

中文翻译：

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在印度尼西亚通过社交媒体实践伊斯兰教

近年来，印度尼西亚伊斯兰教领域最重大的变化之一是穆斯林在实践信仰时越来越依赖社交媒体。在某种程度上，媒体实践已经与宗教实践没有区别，最重要的是，穆斯林自己经常将他们的在线活动视为他们提高宗教信仰的虔诚努力的一部分。社交媒体在这方面尤其重要，因为它们可能与其他媒体不同，深深植根于用户的日常生活中（Horst 2012；Miller et al. 2016）。本期特刊中收集的文章代表了社交媒体、宗教和日常生活如何交叉的有趣例子。他们也处于媒体和宗教研究的最新发展的前沿，特别是伊斯兰教，强调在具体社会环境中的实践而不是教义、内容分析或仅仅接受（Gershon 2010；Postill 2010）。换句话说，在伊斯兰教人类学中，伊斯兰教越来越被理解为一套可以被探索、主张和质疑的实践（Bowen 2012），媒体研究也发现了用户的能动性。这些理论转变在多大程度上受到新媒体或社交媒体的启发尚有争议，但很明显，这种伊斯兰研究和新媒体研究新方法的结合提供了一个有用的分析方向，以检查伊斯兰的最新动态印度尼西亚。这个领域在今天如此活跃，当然不仅要归功于新通信技术和新媒体的引入。在过去的几十年里，印度尼西亚经历了重大的社会和政治变革，包括开始“消费”伊斯兰教的穆斯林中产阶级的崛起（Fealy 2008；Jones 2012）以及在 1998 年苏哈托垮台后开放其政治制度. 这是我们可以辨别的另一种情况，不是在理论上而是在实地，即这些社会和政治发展与印度尼西亚媒体格局的转变相吻合，特别是随着 1990 年代后期互联网的引入。虽然我不想在这里建立因果关系，但不可否认的是，互联网以及后来的社交媒体对印度尼西亚的深远发展做出了贡献，例如沟通渠道的多元化，使政治参与者难以（重新）建立话语霸权的条件（我并不认为印度尼西亚不存在霸权话语，尤其是在宗教领域）。与此同时，将当今印度尼西亚通过社交媒体实践伊斯兰教的背景描述为一个无条件的机会和自由的领域，或者仅仅受到宽容和民主精神的启发是不够的。仔细查看本期特刊的文章并不能证明这种观点是正确的。然而，可以注意到的是，穆斯林在网上表达他们的宗教信仰时遇到的限制主要是在伊斯兰教本身的领域中进行的，参与讨论的参与者数量肯定增加了。