Catholic victims of loyalist murder gangs – much to the discomfiture of many of those listening to him. Daly’s contempt for the IRA and Sinn Fein, she argues, precluded him from acting as an honest broker in the emerging ‘peace process’, and it fell to individual priests like Alec Reid and Gerry Reynolds to encourage dialogue, first between Gerry Adams and John Hume, setting off discussions which would lead via the Downing Street Declaration of 1993 to the IRA ceasefires and, ultimately, the Good Friday Agreement. She includes an interesting section on the work of clerics with Irish prisoners in English prisons, including the campaigns to achieve redress for victims of some notorious miscarriages of justice. ‘Historians’, she writes, ‘have not interrogated closely enough the contextual settings impacting Catholic religious leaders’ ability to create a dialogue for peace’ (202). Her study, she says, by focusing on the personalities of the key Catholic clerics, enriched by access to personal papers and interviews, ‘can highlight the difficulty in identifying a coherent institutional and united Church vision for a peaceful solution’. She has indeed conducted a great deal of research, much of which is intriguing. However, her argument underplays the fact that the primary perpetrators of the violence, the Provisional IRA, were not interested in a dialogue for peace, until they finally realized in the 1990s that victory was beyond their grasp. No coherent vision for a peaceful solution existed. Nor could such a vision exist, until the terrorists stopped murdering people and gave the politicians the space to create it. Until this happened, the Church could do little more than condemn the latest atrocity, pray for peace and try not to alienate too far its working-class adherents by supporting the security forces whom many of them detested. Scull sides instead with the unsung priests and nuns who had to deal with the dying, the dead and their relatives and quietly work to resolve dangerous local disputes and reduce tension and inter-communal hostilities. ‘Without their day-to -day actions, the peace process may not have stayed on track and the signing of the GFA (Good Friday Agreement) may have been delayed or even scuppered’ (190). Maybe so, but as she points out, by the time the peace process came to fruition, the Catholic Church, up to its neck in child-abuse scandals, was largely irrelevant. This book arose, as many first books do, from research for a PhD. It should have been far more thoroughly edited and proofread. It is nonetheless admirable in its scope and ambition and the diligence of its author.

中文翻译：

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巴尔干地区的妇女与工业：南斯拉夫纺织业的兴衰

忠诚的谋杀团伙的天主教受害者——这让许多听他讲话的人感到不安。她认为，戴利对爱尔兰共和军和新芬党的蔑视使他无法在新兴的“和平进程”中充当诚实的经纪人，而亚历克·里德 (Alec Reid) 和格里·雷诺兹 (Gerry Reynolds) 等个别牧师鼓励对话，首先是格里·亚当斯 (Gerry Adams) 和约翰 (John)休谟引发的讨论将通过 1993 年的唐宁街宣言导致爱尔兰共和军停火，并最终达成耶稣受难日协议。她包括一个有趣的部分，内容涉及神职人员与英国监狱中的爱尔兰囚犯的工作，包括为某些臭名昭著的司法不公的受害者争取救济的运动。“历史学家”，她写道，“没有足够仔细地审问影响天主教宗教领袖为和平开展对话的能力的背景设置”（202）。她说，她的研究通过关注主要天主教神职人员的个性，并通过查阅个人文件和采访而丰富，“可以突出确定一个连贯的制度和统一的教会愿景以实现和平解决方案的困难”。她确实进行了大量研究，其中许多研究很有趣。然而，她的论点淡化了这样一个事实，即暴力的主要肇事者临时爱尔兰共和军对和平对话不感兴趣，直到他们最终在 1990 年代意识到胜利是他们无法掌握的。不存在和平解决的一致愿景。这样的愿景也不可能存在，直到恐怖分子停止杀人并给政治家创造它的空间。在此之前，教会只能谴责最近的暴行，祈求和平，并通过支持他们中许多人所憎恶的安全部队，尽量不要疏远其工人阶级信徒。斯卡尔与无名神父和修女站在一起，他们不得不处理垂死者、死者及其亲属，并默默地解决危险的地方争端，减少紧张局势和族群间敌对行动。“没有他们的日常行动，和平进程可能不会走上正轨，GFA（耶稣受难日协议）的签署可能会被推迟甚至失败”（190）。也许是这样，但正如她指出的那样，当和平进程取得成果时，天主教会，在虐待儿童丑闻中，这在很大程度上是无关紧要的。与许多第一本书一样，这本书是从博士研究中诞生的。它应该经过更彻底的编辑和校对。尽管如此，它的范围和雄心以及作者的勤奋令人钦佩。