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‘The Spanish seignor’ or the transnational peregrinations of an anti-Hispanic Dutch broadsheet
Renaissance Studies Pub Date : 2021-06-09 , DOI: 10.1111/rest.12739
Yolanda Rodríguez Pérez

‘The common grave of Europe’: with these negative words the Netherlandish humanist Justus Lipsius described the Low Countries. His adaptation of Catullus’ famous verse on Troy11 Miguel Angel Echevarría Bacigalupe, Flandes y la monarquía hispánica, 1500–1713 (Madrid: Silex, 1998), 111: ‘Commune sepulchrum Europae sumus’; cf. Catullus, Carmina 68A, 89: ‘Troia (nefas) commune sepulcrum Asiae Europaeque’. reveals an essential aspect of the role of these territories in early modern Europe. Although their privileged centrality had contributed to their function as a nodal point in the transmission of culture, it also turned the Low Countries into the theatre of war for a bloody and protracted conflict. Lipsius was obviously referring to the Dutch Revolt and its continuation in the Eighty Years’ War, the historical event that would be instrumental in the definition of the proto-national identity of the Low Countries, and eventually in the emergence of the modern states of the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg. What for the rebellious Netherlandish subjects of Philip II was a matter of resistance against an oppressive ruler, was for the Spanish monarchy an inexcusable rebellion.

To legitimate their struggle and to convince a larger portion of the Netherlandish population, the partisans of the rebel cause deployed a highly sophisticated propaganda machine against ‘the Spaniard’, shaping the image of a ‘common’ enemy.22 Judith Pollmann, ‘Eine natürliche Feindschaft: Ursprung und Funktion der schwarzen Legende über Spanien in den Niederlanden, 15661581’, in Franz Bosbach (ed.), Feindbilder: Die Darstellung des Gegners in der politischen Publizistik des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit (Köln/Weimar/Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 1992), 7393. For its part, the Habsburg monarchy did not employ written propaganda in the same vociferous way. Their communication techniques (especially in the Low Countries) were predominantly oral, including sermons, proclamations and processions: see Monica Stensland, Habsburg Communication in the Dutch Revolt (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012), 155. In this manner, religious and political differences among the people of the Netherlands were skilfully silenced, whereas other European nations could be reminded of the Habsburg urge for ‘Universal Monarchy’. Within this theatre of war, the Low Countries managed to become a major European creative locus and intermediary hub in the making and circulation of political propagandistic texts. Broadsheets, broadsides and pamphlets flew off the printing presses to respond to and comment on current affairs in a well-orchestrated propaganda campaign, that also masterfully combined the power of strong words with striking images.33 Craig E. Harline, Pamphlets, Printing, and Political Culture in the Early Dutch Republic (Dordrecht/Boston: Martinus Nijhoff, 1987). As a result of their potent messages, many of these texts were translated and experienced a second printing life abroad.44 Many texts were also initially meant for international distribution. The Dutch Republic can be considered as the first, or possibly the only state, born out of a pamphlet war, see: Helmer J. Helmers, ‘Popular Participation and Public Debate’, in: Helmer J. Helmers and Geert H. Jansen (eds.), The Cambridge Companion to the Dutch Golden Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 12446, 126. Many of these publications were also particularly influential in the development of a very negative reputation of the Spaniards in early modern Europe, the so-called Black Legend that presented them as cruel, bloodthirsty and ambitious.55 This reputation started to take shape in the sixteenth century and would rapidly spread all over Europe. William S. Maltby, The Black Legend in England: The Development of Anti-Spanish Sentiment, 1558–1660 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1971). The Dutch particularly contributed to the forging of this legend. See Koenraad Wolter Swart, ‘The Black Legend during the Eighty Years War’, in John S. Bromley and Ernst H. Kossmann (eds.), Britain and the Netherlands V: Some Political Mythologies (’s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1975), 3657; Pollmann, ‘Eine natürliche Feindschaft’. A rich array of ‘spotprenten’ or derogatory prints in which the Spaniards and some of their highest officials are derisively portrayed attest to this elaborate propaganda enterprise.66 Daniel Horst, De Opstand in zwart-wit: Propagandaprenten uit de Nederlandse Opstand (1566–1584) (Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2003).

An extraordinary work within this avalanche of pamphlets is the illustrated anti-Hispanic broadsheet Aerdt ende eygenschappen van Seignor van Spangien (Nature and Qualities of the Seignor of Spain, 1598).77 Aerdt ende eygenschappen van Seignor van Spangien (s.l.: s.a., 1598), Royal Library, The Hague, pamphlet 1018. Fernando Martínez Luna extracted this broadsheet from oblivion: Een ondraaglijk juk: Nederlandse beeldvorming van Spanje en de Spanjaarden ten tijde van de Opstand (1566–1609) (Hilversum: Verloren, 2018), 3669. It presents its readers with a series of striking images and satiric texts that meticulously expose the vices of the Spaniards, not only as military oppressors, but also as individuals, on a private as well as public level. Broadsheets were printed on one single sheet of paper and formatted to contain short texts and in most cases illustrations. In comparison to other pamphlets, they were easily produced and distributed and in this way affordable and widely popular. They were often posted in public spaces. Given its poster-size format (37.8 cm wide × 44.2 cm high) and its contents, the Seignor of Spain was presumably aimed at a wide array of readers. In an original free elaboration of the emblematic trio of motto, pictura and subscriptio, the illustrated broadsheet satirically pinpoints sixteen critical aspects of the ‘true’ nature, customs and qualities of ‘the’ Spaniard. The pamphlet was also multilingual, integrating Spanish words and expressions accompanied by translations in the margin. The use of Spanish was a means to provide convincing couleur locale, but this bilinguality also shows the interaction between Netherlandish and Spanish societies at the time. On a broader level, it also evinces the multilingualism of the Low Countries, where no single vernacular functioned, and where Latin was essential for the transmission of books and knowledge.88 A set of emblems that immediately comes to mind when tracing satirical visual representations of the Spaniards of a multilingual character is Joris Hoefnagel’s Patientia (1569), described as ‘one of the most visceral artistic responses to the Dutch Revolt’. Marisa Bass, ‘Patience Grows: The First Roots of Joris Hoefnagel’s Emblematic Art’, in Walter S. Melion, Bret Rothstein and Michel Weemans (eds.), The Anthropomorphic Lens: Anthropomorphism, Microcosmism and Analogy in Early Modern Thought and Visual Arts (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2014), 14578, 152. On multilingualism in the Dutch Republic, see Christopher Joby, The Multilingualism of Constantijn Huygens (1596–1687) (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2014). For multilingualism on the early modern stage: Andrew Fleck, ‘“Ick verstaw you niet”: Performing Foreign Tongues on the Early Modern English Stage’, Medieval & Renaissance Drama in England, Vol. 20 (2007), 20421; Marjorie Rubright, Doppelgänger Dilemmas: Anglo-Dutch Relations in Early Modern English Literature and Culture (Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014).

The visual and textual template the broadsheet offered of the ‘evil’ Spaniard was so appealing and exportable that it met with great transnational success, being quickly translated and/or adapted into English, French and German, and enjoying international circulation until the mid-eighteenth century.99 Dietrich Briesemeister, Spanien aus deutscher Sicht: Deutsch-spanische Kulturbeziehungen gestern und heute (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2004), 175. The broadsheet was not simply translated from the Dutch original, since while migrating alterations took place from the one national context to the other. The practically literal English version was published in 1599 without illustrations and in descriptive prose, under the title A Pageant of Spanish Humours: Wherin are naturally described and liuely portrayed, the kinds and qualities of a Signior of Spaine.1010 A Pageant (…) Spaine: Translated out of Dutche, By H.w. (London: John Wolfe, 1599, octavo, 7 hs.). Mentioned in Briesemeister, Spanien aus deutscher Sicht, 175; Hugh Dunthorne, Britain and the Dutch Revolt 1560–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 59; David Kunzler, The Early Comic Strip: Narrative Strips and Picture Stories in the European Broadsheet from c.1450 to 1825 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), 198. The title of the first (undated) French broadsheet reads Emblesmes sus les actions, perfections et moeurs du Segnor Espagnol. The French version was also published as an undated suite of illustrations without texts and as a mini-emblem booklet in 1608 with two different editions.1111 The booklet is an octavo edition where the emblems and the texts are printed separately on different pages, not as a poster. One published in Middelburg (Dutch Republic), the other sine loco. María Carmen Marín Pina and Victor Infantes (eds.), Poesía y prosa contra España: Emblemas del Perfecto Español y Rodomuntadas españolas (Capellades: José J. de Olañeta, 2013), 139, 1434. An undated German broadsheet followed the French, with the Latinized term Emblemata in the title.1212 Emblemata, Welche das Leben/ die Thaten/ Sitten/ und wunderbare verwandlung dess Signor Spangniols deutlich erklären/, zuvor in Castilianischer/ darnach in Niderländischer und Französicher/ und jetzt in hochteutscher Sprach beschrieben (s.l.: .s.a,. s.n.). Briesemeister, Spanien aus deutscher Sicht, 176.

This essay delves into the exceptional transnational journey of this artfully constructed illustrated broadsheet. It scrutinizes the work’s framing devices with regard to prejudices against the Spaniards and its multifarious transformations across multiple cultures and languages of Europe. Aerdt ende eygenschappen van Seignor van Spangien, a seemingly minor individual text, remarkably illustrates the transnational fluidity of texts, especially of a political genre like pamphlets, and sheds light on the forging and deployment of national representations in early modern Europe.1313 The Seignor epitomizes the idea of a ‘fluid text’ by which a (literary) work does not exist as a single unchanging text, but is a narrative complex that exists in more than one version and flows from one to another. See John Bryant, The Fluid Text: A Theory of Revision and Editing for Book and Screen (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2002), 1. The Seignor allows its readers a wide range of levels of engagement, offering them an impressive use of ‘shorthands’ for Hispanic identity, both in visual images or through reference to Spanish literary works. In this way, the Seignor is strongly reminiscent of the squire (the escudero) in the Lazarillo de Tormes, the best-selling Spanish picaresque novel (1554). Its circulation, and the ways it morphed in accordance with shifts in space and time, reveals the fluidity of Dutch political texts once they transcended the ‘national’ borders of the Low Countries. How was this broadsheet transmitted, transformed and appropriated within different genres in neighbouring nations with a conflicting position towards Spain?

The Seignor van Spangien is so subtle that, over time, it was appropriated by different national historiographical traditions, overshadowing in this way its Netherlandish origins and its transnational dimension. It is remarkable that non-Dutch scholars from different countries continue to believe that there is no Dutch extant version of the pamphlet, or even that it ever existed. Martínez Luna states that English historiography seems to have appropriated the pamphlet.1414 Martínez Luna, Een ondraaglijk juk, 68. A comparable case of the way pamphlets from the Netherlands entered the English context and were integrated – and appropriated – in other national discourses is the well-known Spoyle of Antwerp (1576) by the English soldier-poet George Gascoigne, considered as a major source on the notorious Sack of Antwerp (1576) and an early example of Renaissance autobiographical writing. Gascoigne actually copied in English translation most of his eyewitness report from a Dutch pamphlet. See Raymond Fagel, ‘Gascoigne's The Spoyle of Antwerpe (1576) as an Anglo-Dutch Text’, Dutch Crossing, 41 (2017), 10110. Interestingly, this process is more widely extended, since German and French scholars ignore the Dutch origin of the text as well.1515 Peer Schmidt, Spanische Universalmonarchie oder ‘teutsche Libertet’: Das spanische Imperium in der Propaganda des Dreissigjährigen Krieges (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2001), 341; Briesemeister, Spanien aus deutscher Sicht; Daniel Russell, Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French Culture (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995), 201, 285. This ‘writing out’ of the broadsheet can be related to fixation on their own singular monolingual literature and culture, or just on a narrow comparison between two monolingual cultures. Along this line of thought, a recent Spanish edition of the French version of the Seignor suggests that it is not impossible that the pamphlet was French in origin and was then eventually translated into Dutch.1616 Marín Pina and Victor Infantes, Poesía y prosa contra España, 35, 47. Since the authors focus in their edition on French-Spanish relations, they seem mostly concerned with presenting this remarkable pamphlet as a telling exponent of French-Spanish antipathy, being unaware of strong intertextual and intervisual references to the context of the Dutch Revolt that undeniably reveal the true origins of the pamphlet.

In order to understand fully the transnational peregrinations of the Seignor of Spain, the essay will focus first on the textual and visual structure of the broadsheet, and its rhetorical content, and will then analyse its further circulation and re-elaborations. The manifold re-elaborations demonstrate the extensive circulation of a Dutch text that offered its (inter)national public a perfectly orchestrated and strongly hostile vision of the unreliable Spaniards and their ominous obsession with world domination.



“欧洲的共同坟墓”:荷兰人文主义者 Justus Lipsius 用这些负面词语描述了低地国家。他改编自卡图卢斯关于特洛伊的著名诗句11 Miguel Angel Echevarría Bacigalupe, Flandes y la monarquía hispánica, 1500–1713 (马德里: Silex, 1998), 111: 'Commune sepulchrum Europae sumus'; 参见 Catullus, Carmina 68A, 89: 'Troia (nefas) 公社 sepulcrum Asiae Europaeque'。揭示了这些领土在早期现代欧洲的作用的一个重要方面。尽管他们享有特权的中心地位有助于他们作为文化传播节点的功能,但它也将低地国家变成了一场血腥和旷日持久的战争的战场。利普修斯显然指的是荷兰起义及其在八十年战争中的延续,这一历史事件将有助于定义低地国家的原始民族身份,并最终促成现代国家的出现。荷兰、比利时和卢森堡。对腓力二世的叛逆荷兰臣民来说,这是反抗压迫统治者的事情,而对于西班牙君主制来说,则是不可原谅的叛乱。

为了使他们的斗争合法化并说服更多的荷兰人,反叛事业的游击队员部署了高度复杂的宣传机器来对抗“西班牙人”,塑造了“共同”敌人的形象。 22朱迪思珀尔曼, 'EINEnatürlicheFeindschaft:乌尔施普龙UND的Funktion DER schwarzen的Légende黚西班牙在巢穴Niederlanden 1566 - 1581年',弗朗兹Bosbach,(编)Feindbilder:模具Darstellung DES Gegners在DER politischen Publizistik DES Mittelalters und明镜Neuzeit( Köln/Weimar/Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 1992), 73 93。就其本身而言,哈布斯堡王朝并没有以同样喧闹的方式使用书面宣传。他们的交流技巧(特别是在低地国家)主要是口头的,包括布道、公告和游行:参见莫妮卡·斯滕斯兰,荷兰起义中的哈布斯堡通讯(阿姆斯特丹:阿姆斯特丹大学出版社,2012 年),155。通过这种方式,荷兰人民之间的宗教和政治分歧被巧妙地平息了,而其他欧洲国家则可以想起哈布斯堡王朝对“普遍君主制”的渴望。在这场战争中,低地国家成功地成为了欧洲主要的创作中心和政治宣传文本制作和传播的中介中心。在一场精心策划的宣传活动中,印刷机飞出大报、宽边和小册子,以回应和评论时事,还巧妙地将强词的力量与醒目的图像结合起来。 33 Craig E. Harline,《荷兰早期共和国的小册子、印刷和政治文化》(多德雷赫特/波士顿:Martinus Nijhoff,1987 年)。 由于其强有力的信息,其中许多文本被翻译并在国外经历了第二次印刷生活。 44许多文本最初也是为了国际分发。荷兰共和国可以被认为是第一个,或者可能是唯一一个诞生于小册子战争的国家,参见:Helmer J. Helmers,“大众参与和公共辩论”,在:Helmer J. Helmers 和 Geert H. Jansen( eds.), The Cambridge Companion to the Dutch Golden Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 124 46, 126。 其中许多出版物对西班牙人在近代欧洲早期的负面声誉的发展也特别有影响力,即所谓的黑色传奇,将他们描述为残忍、嗜血和野心勃勃。 55这种声誉在 16 世纪开始形成,并迅速传遍整个欧洲。William S. Maltby,英格兰 黑人传奇 :反西班牙情绪的发展,1558-1660 年(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,1971 年)。荷兰人特别为这个传奇的形成做出了贡献。参见 Koenraad Wolter Swart,“八十年战争中的黑人传奇”,John S. Bromley 和 Ernst H. Kossmann(编辑),英国和荷兰 V:一些政治神话('s-Gravenhage:Martinus Nijhoff,1975 ), 36 57; Pollmann, 'Eine natürliche Feindschaft'。 大量的“污点”或贬义的版画,其中讽刺地描绘了西班牙人和他们的一些高级官员,证明了这种精心制作的宣传事业。 66 Daniel Horst, De Opstand in zwart-wit: Propagandaprenten uit de Nederlandse Opstand (1566–1584) (Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2003)。

在这小册子中的一项非凡工作是插图的反西班牙裔宽幅Aerdt ende eygenschappen van Seignor van Spangien西班牙领主的自然和品质,1598 年)7。7 Aerdt ende eygenschappen van Seignor van Spangien (sl: sa, 1598), Royal Library, The Hague, 小册子 1018. Fernando Martínez Luna 从遗忘中提取了这张大报:Een ondraaglijk juk: Nederlandse beeldvorming vanjaddenjen en (1566至1609年)(希尔弗瑟姆:Verloren,2018),36 - 69。它向读者展示了一系列引人注目的图像和讽刺文字,这些文字细致地揭露了西班牙人的恶习,不仅作为军事压迫者,而且作为个人,在私人和公共层面上。Broadsheets 印刷在一张纸上,并被格式化为包含短文本和大多数情况下的插图。与其他小册子相比,它们易于制作和分发,因此价格实惠且广受欢迎。他们经常张贴在公共场所。鉴于其海报大小的格式(37.8 厘米宽 × 44.2 厘米高)及其内容,西班牙Seignor大概是针对广泛的读者。在象征三人的原始自由阐述的座右铭picturasubscriptio,插图大报讽刺地指出了“西班牙人”的“真实”本性、习俗和品质的 16 个关键方面。这本小册子也是多语种,整合了西班牙语单词和表达,并在页边空白处附有翻译。使用西班牙语是提供令人信服的couleur locale 的一种手段,但这种双语也显示了当时荷兰和西班牙社会之间的互动。在更广泛的层面上,它还体现了低地国家的多种语言,在那里没有单一的方言,拉丁语对于书籍和知识的传播至关重要。 88在描绘多语种角色的西班牙人的讽刺视觉表现时,立即想到的一组标志是 Joris Hoefnagel 的Patientia(1569 年),被描述为“对荷兰起义最本能的艺术回应之一”。Marisa Bass,“耐心成长:Joris Hoefnagel 标志性艺术的最初根源”,Walter S. Melion、Bret Rothstein 和 Michel Weemans(编辑),拟人化镜头:拟人化、微观世界主义和早期现代思想和视觉艺术中的类比( Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2014), 145 78, 152。 关于荷兰共和国的多种语言,参见克里斯托弗·乔比,康斯坦丁惠更斯 多种语言 (1596-1687)(阿姆斯特丹:阿姆斯特丹大学出版社,2014 年)。对于早期现代舞台上的多种语言:安德鲁·弗莱克,“Ick verstaw you niet”:在早期现代英语舞台上表演外语,英格兰中世纪和文艺复兴时期的戏剧,卷。20 (2007), 204 21; Marjorie Rubright,Doppelgänger Dilemmas :早期现代英国文学和文化中的英荷关系(宾夕法尼亚州:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2014 年)。

大报提供的“邪恶”西班牙人的视觉和文本模板是如此吸引人和可出口,以至于它获得了巨大的跨国成功,被迅速翻译和/或改编成英语、法语和德语,并在国际流通,直到 18 世纪中叶世纪.99 Dietrich Briesemeister, Spanien aus deutscher Sicht: Deutsch-spanische Kulturbeziehungen gestern und heute (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2004), 175。大报并不是简单地从荷兰语原文翻译过来的,因为在从一个国家背景到另一个国家背景发生了迁移变化。几乎字面意思的英文版本于 1599 年出版,没有插图和描述性散文,标题为西班牙幽默选美:Wherin 被自然地描述和生动地描绘,西班牙先生的种类和品质0.1010 A Pageant (...) Spaine:从 Dutche 翻译,由 Hw 翻译。(伦敦:约翰沃尔夫,1599 年,八度,7 小时)。在 Briesemeister, Spanien aus deutscher Sicht , 175中提到;Hugh Dunthorne,英国和荷兰起义 1560-1700(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2013 年),59;David Kunzler, 早期漫画:1450 年至 1825 年欧洲大片中的叙事条和图片故事》(伯克利:加州大学出版社,1973 年),198 年。第一个(未注明日期的)法语大报的标题是Emblesmes sus les actions,perfects et moeurs du Segnor Espagnol。法文版也作为一个未注明日期的套件的插图没有文本,并在1608迷你徽小册子两个不同editions.1111这本小册子是八度版,标志和文字分别印在不同的页面上,而不是作为海报。一份在米德尔堡(荷兰共和国)出版,另一份在sine loco出版。玛丽亚卡门马林翩和Victor Infantes(编),PoesíaÿPROSA禁忌西班牙:Emblemas德尔PERFECTO西班牙语ÝRodomuntadasespañolas(卡佩利亚德斯:何J.德Olañeta,2013),139,143 - 4。一份未注明日期的德文大报紧随法文,标题中有拉丁化术语Emblemata。 1212 Emblemata, Welche das Leben/ die Thaten/ Sitten/ und wunderbare verwandlung dess Signor Spangniols deutlich erklären/, zuvor in Castilianischer/ darnach in Niderländischer und Französicher/ und jetzt in hochte . Briesemeister,西班牙文aus deutscher Sicht,176。

本文深入探讨了这张精心构建的插图大报的非凡跨国之旅。它审查了作品的框架装置,涉及对西班牙人的偏见及其在欧洲多种文化和语言中的多样化转变。Aerdt ende eygenschappen van Seignor van Spangien是一个看似次要的个人文本,它显着地说明了文本的跨国流动性,尤其是像小册子这样的政治体裁,并阐明了早期现代欧洲国家表征的形成和部署。 1313 The Seignor概括了“流动文本”的概念,在这种思想中,(文学)作品不是作为单一不变的文本存在,而是存在于多个版本中并从一个版本流向另一个版本的叙事复合体。参见 John Bryant,流畅的文本: 书籍和屏幕的修订和编辑理论(安娜堡:密歇根大学出版社,2002 年),1。Seignor允许读者广泛参与的水平,为他们提供一个令人印象深刻使用“速记”为西班牙裔的身份,无论是在视觉图像或通过参考西班牙语文学作品的。通过这种方式,在Seignor是强烈回忆乡绅(的埃斯库德罗中)Lazarillo托尔梅斯德,畅销西班牙流浪汉小说(1554)。它的流通,以及它随着空间和时间的变化而变化的方式,揭示了荷兰政治文本一旦超越低地国家的“国家”边界后的流动性。这张大片是如何在邻国的不同流派中传播、转化和挪用的?

Seignor面包车Spangien是如此微妙的是,随着时间的推移,它是由不同国家的史学传统拨款,以这种方式掩盖其荷兰起源及其跨国特征。值得注意的是,来自不同国家的非荷兰学者仍然相信这本小册子没有现存的荷兰语版本,甚至曾经存在过。马丁内斯·卢纳 (Martínez Luna) 表示,英国史学似乎盗用了这本小册子。 1414 Martínez Luna, Een ondraaglijk juk , 68. 荷兰小册子进入英国语境并被整合和挪用在其他国家话语中的一个类似案例是英国士兵着名的安特卫普斯波伊尔(1576) -诗人乔治·加斯科因 (George Gascoigne),被认为是臭名昭著的安特卫普大袋 (Sack of Antwerp) (1576) 的主要来源,也是文艺复兴时期自传写作的早期例子。加斯科因实际上是从荷兰小册子中复制了他的大部分目击者报告的英文翻译。参见 Raymond Fagel, 'Gascoigne's The Spoyle of Antwerpe (1576) as an Anglo-Dutch Text', Dutch Crossing , 41 (2017), 101 10。 有趣的是,这个过程得到了更广泛的扩展,因为德国和法国学者也忽略了文本的荷兰起源。 1515 Peer Schmidt, Spanische Universalmonarchie oder 'teutsche Libertet': Das spanische Imperium in der Propaganda des Dreissigjährigen Krieges (斯图加特: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2001), 341; Briesemeister, Spanien aus deutscher Sicht ; Daniel Russell,文艺复兴时期法国文化中的标志性结构 (多伦多:多伦多大学出版社,1995 年),201、285。这种“写出”大表可能与他们自己单一的单语文学和文化的固定有关,或者只是两种单语文化之间的狭隘比较。沿着这个思路,最近西班牙版的法国版Seignor表明,这本小册子起源于法语并最终被翻译成荷兰语并非不可能。 1616 Marín Pina 和 Victor Infantes,Poesía y prosa contra España35、47由于作者在他们的版本中关注法西关系,他们似乎最关心的是将这本非凡的小册子呈现为法西反感的有力代表,而没有意识到对荷兰起义背景的强烈互文和互视参考,这无可否认地揭示了小册子的真正起源。