terize most of popular Hindu worship. Finally, in the conclusion, Ramos brings the discussion of pilgrimage, politics, and nationalism up to the present by examining the rhetoric of right-wing politicians in the twenty-first century. Perhaps most importantly, she highlights Narendra Modi’s remarkable creation of a new spiritual tourist destination at Gabbar Hill in Gujarat, where replicas of all fifty-one shakti pithas have been constructed at a single site. As such, the pithas continue to play a key role in the imaging of the nation, in the politics of Hindutva, and in the literal attempt to re-integrate the body of ‘Mother India.’ Overall, Ramos’ book is a compelling read and an important contribution to our larger understanding of the complex intersections between religion, politics, sacred space, pilgrimage, and national identity. She brings together an outstanding collection of visual images with a number of key historical sources in order to shed important light on the rise of nationalist consciousness during this key period. Perhaps the one weakness with this book is simply that it is so short and so narrowly focused. At 126 pages, the book is tightly written and precisely argued, but there are many places where the reader will simply want more – more historical evidence (for example, in the chapter on Kamakhya) and more case studies beyond these three sites in the northeast (how, for example, did the other forty-eight major pithas play into this nationalist narrative? Do they support or challenge her analysis of these three sites in Bengal and Assam? And what of the pithas that lie outside the boundaries of the modern Indian nation, such as those in Pakistan, Nepal, and Bangladesh)? But despite this weakness, Pilgrimage and Politics in Colonial Bengal is an important book that should be of genuine interest to anyone interested in the study of pilgrimage, sacred space, religious nationalism, and modern Indian history.

中文翻译：

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南亚和东南亚的石珠：考古学、民族志和全球联系

terize 大多数流行的印度教崇拜。最后，在结语中，拉莫斯通过考察 21 世纪右翼政治家的言辞，将朝圣、政治和民族主义的讨论带到了现在。也许最重要的是，她强调了纳伦德拉·莫迪 (Narendra Modi) 在古吉拉特邦加巴尔山 (Gabbar Hill) 打造的一个新的精神旅游目的地的非凡创造，在那里，所有 51 座 shakti pithas 的复制品都是在一个地点建造的。因此，pithas 继续在国家形象、印度教政治以及重新整合“印度母亲”身体的实际尝试中发挥关键作用。总的来说，拉莫斯的书是一本引人入胜的读物，对我们更深入地理解宗教、政治、神圣空间、朝圣和民族认同之间复杂的交叉点做出了重要贡献。她汇集了一系列杰出的视觉图像和一些重要的历史资料，以揭示这一关键时期民族主义意识的兴起。也许这本书的一个弱点就是它太短而且重点太窄。这本书有 126 页，写得很严密，论证也很准确，但有很多地方读者只会想要更多——更多的历史证据（例如，在关于 Kamakhya 的一章中）和更多的案例研究超出了东北这三个地点（例如，其他 48 个主要的 pithas 是如何参与到这种民族主义叙事中的？它们是支持还是挑战她对孟加拉和阿萨姆邦这三个遗址的分析？以及位于现代印度边界之外的那些 pithas 是什么？国家，例如巴基斯坦、尼泊尔、和孟加拉国）？但是尽管有这个弱点，殖民地孟加拉的朝圣和政治是一本重要的书，任何对朝圣、神圣空间、宗教民族主义和现代印度历史感兴趣的人都应该真正感兴趣。