ABSTRACT

The paper deals with Nom. object construction attested historically in East Slavic and Middle Russian texts, as well as in some modern dialects of the North and North West. Using the 16^th-century Domostroj as the starting point for the discussion, the article focusses on the fact that Nom.+Inf. is associated with the legal genre. This presupposes its oral origin and sheds a new light on the possible evolution of this construction. It is argued that the transitive infinitive construction has a non-prototypical status in relation to the finite clause. The non-prototypicality comes from the modal semantics and the irrealis nature of the infinitive and the oblique Dat. subject. The nouns of the feminine *a-stem declension due to their evolution are especially predisposed to the Nom. form in infinitive construction. The opposition between the Nom. and the Acc. in this declension is weak. At the time when the Gen.-Acc. arose as a marker of morphological animacy, *a-stem nouns were pulled in the animacy opposition as well. The Nom. form became a variant of the Acc. for such nouns, by analogy to the Nom.-Acc. syncretism in other declensions and despite the fact that they had a separate Acc. form.

摘要

该论文涉及 Nom。对象构造在东斯拉夫语和中俄语文本以及北部和西北部的一些现代方言中得到了历史证明。使用16^个-century Domostroj作为讨论的起点，文章论点集中的事实是标称值+ Inf文件。与法律类型有关。这预设了它的口头起源，并为这种结构的可能演变提供了新的思路。有人认为，及物不定式结构相对于有限子句具有非原型地位。非原型性来自模态语义以及不定式和倾斜 Dat 的不真实性。主题。阴性名词* a-词干变格由于它们的演变而特别倾向于名词。形式不定式。提名人之间的反对。和ACC。在这个变格中是弱的。在 Gen.-Acc 的时候。作为形态生命力的标记出现，* a -stem 名词也被拉入生命力对立中。名称 形式成为Acc的变体。对于此类名词，类比于 Nom.-Acc。其他变格中的融合，尽管它们有一个单独的 Acc。形式。