Reviewed by:

• Civil War and Agrarian Unrest: The Confederate South and Southern Italy by Enrico Dal Lago
• Edoardo M. Barsotti

Nineteenth-century United States and Italy pique the interest of historians for their curious similarities and coincidences. Both countries underwent the consolidation of their nation-states in the 1860s, Italy by accomplishing its unification process and the United States through a civil war that reasserted the preeminence of the federal government over the centrifugal forces of the slaveholding states. Moreover, both countries were confronted with their own Southern questions and the social and political factors underlying them. Specifically, in the same years (1861–65), the United States defeated the Confederacy, while the newborn Kingdom of Italy secured its annexation of the former Kingdom of the Two Sicilies by crushing the "Great Brigandage," namely those insurgencies targeting the new nation-state and its supporters.

These similarities are the driving force of Civil War and Agrarian Unrest: The Confederate South and Southern Italy, in which Enrico Dal Lago analyzes why some nation-building processes like the Italian unification succeeded, while others, like the Confederate States of America, did not. He also investigates how these new polities coped with the internal dissent represented respectively by the Southern unionists and African American slaves on the one hand, and by the "brigands," consisting of Bourbon legitimists and insurgent peasants, on the other (6–7). By adopting a comparative approach, Dal Lago argues that two inner civil wars opposing the respective agrarian elites—slaveholding planters and the liberal landowners—and their agrarian subaltern classes took place, albeit with opposite outcomes. In America, the secessionist planters fatally underestimated [End Page 148] the resistance of the unionist yeomen and slaves, while in the Italian South, the galantuomini (the liberal landowners) secured their hegemony by siding with the new state and repressing the peasants' rebellion (28–29, 397–99).

These conflicts originated, as the author remarks, from the restructuring of the world economy following the industrial revolution, which strained the relationship of these agrarian elites with their respective rural workers but, also, with their governments—the Union and the Bourbon Kingdom—to the point of an actual rebellion (28–29). Dal Lago does not hesitate to define both the planters' secession and the support of the galantuomini for the unification as "preemptive counterrevolutions," aiming at securing their socioeconomic status threatened by radical political transformations (23, 28–29). The first part of the book focuses on how the South Carolinian planters and the Sicilian landowners ignited the new processes of nation-building; then it broadens to investigate how the new nation-states claimed and maintained their legitimacy in the face of a growing dissent (61). Through the two case studies of Eastern Tennessee and the Terra di Lavoro, the author examines the emergence of the unionist and legitimist guerrillas and how the governmental repression engendered, although with opposite results, similar strategies of resistance (223).

Dal Lago identifies, however, the core of the anti-Confederate and anti-Italian resistance in the exploited agrarian masses constituted respectively by the slaves and the landless peasants. The two case studies of the slaves' and freedmen's resistance in the Lower Mississippi Valley and the brigand bands of the Upper Basilicata examined in the second part of the book reveal how these agrarian rebellions proved problematic to quell because of their nature of social conflicts over the ownership and use of lands. In Mississippi, the slaves accelerated the demise of slavery and claimed their rights to own and cultivate the land of their former masters. In Basilicata, the insurgent peasants targeted the landed estates, and it took the martial law and an increased cooperation between army and landowners to definitively crush the brigands. In both cases, the winners defended the property owners at the expense of the rural workers, and in the case of the former slaves, their crucial contribution in defeating the Confederacy. In short, as Dal Lago concludes, the common condition of landless peasantry shared by Southern Italian and African American rural...

审核人：

• 内战与土地动荡：恩里科·达·拉戈（Enrico Dal Lago）的意大利南部和南部同盟
• 爱德华多·巴索蒂（Edoardo M.Barsotti）

19世纪的美国和意大利因历史学家好奇的相似之处和巧合而引起了历史学家的兴趣。两国在1860年代实现了民族国家的巩固，意大利通过完成其统一进程进行了巩固，而美国则通过内战使美国重新确立了联邦政府对奴隶制国家的离心力量的主导地位。此外，两国都面临着自己的南方问题以及它们背后的社会和政治因素。具体来说，在同一年（1861至65年），美国击败了同盟国，而新生的意大利王国则通过镇压“大支流”（即针对新民族国家及其支持者。

这些相似之处是内战和土地动荡的驱动力：意大利南部和南部邦联，恩里科·达·拉戈（Enrico Dal Lago）在其中分析了为什么像意大利统一这样的一些建国进程成功了，而像美国的同盟国这样的建国进程却没有成功的原因。他还研究了这些新政体如何应对一方面由南方工会主义者和非裔美国奴隶代表，另一方面由波旁合法主义者和叛乱农民组成的“ brigands”所代表的内部异议（6-7） 。达尔·拉戈（Dal Lago）通过采用比较方法，认为发生了两次与各自的农业精英相对的内部内战-奴役农场主和自由土地所有者-及其农业下属阶级，尽管结果相反。在美国，分裂国家的种植者致命地低估了[完页148]在南部的意大利南部，加兰托米尼（自由土地所有者）通过与新国家一道支持并压制农民的叛乱来确保其霸权地位（28-29，397-99）。

正如作者所说，这些冲突源于工业革命后世界经济的重组，这使这些农业精英与他们各自的农民工以及与他们的政府（联盟和波旁王国）之间的关系变得紧张起来。实际叛乱的重点（28-29岁）。Dal Lago毫不犹豫地定义了种植者的分裂和加兰托米尼的支持统一为“先发制人的反革命”，目的是确保其社会经济地位受到激进的政治变革的威胁（23、28-29）。本书的第一部分着眼于南卡罗来纳州的种植者和西西里的土地所有者如何点燃国家建设的新过程；然后它扩大了范围，以研究新民族国家在日益增长的异议面前如何主张并保持其合法性（61）。通过东田纳西州和特拉迪拉沃罗市的两个案例研究，作者考察了工会主义者和合法主义者游击队的出现，以及政府镇压是如何产生的，尽管结果相反，但类似的抵抗策略（223）。

但是，达拉戈在分别由奴隶和无地农民组成的被剥削的农业群众中确定了反同盟和反意大利抵抗的核心。在书的第二部分中，对密西西比河下游谷地的奴隶和解放者的抵抗以及上巴斯利卡塔的行军带进行了两个案例研究，揭示了这些农业叛乱如何被证明是难以解决的，因为他们的社会冲突本质是因为土地所有权和使用权。在密西西比州，奴隶们加速了奴隶制的灭亡，并宣称拥有自己的主人的土地和耕种土地的权利。在巴斯利卡塔（Basilicata），叛乱农民将目标对准了这些不动产，并采取了戒严法以及陆军与地主之间日益紧密的合作，最终将这批强盗镇压下来。在这两种情况下，获胜者都以牺牲农民工为代价来捍卫财产所有人，而对于以前的奴隶来说，则是他们在击败邦联中的重要贡献。简而言之，正如达戈·拉戈（Dal Lago）总结的那样，意大利南部和非裔美国乡村共同拥有无地农民的普遍条件...