The intonation of yes–no questions in Luganda (Bantu, Uganda) has only been sketched in passing. Hyman states that Luganda yes–no questions are marked by a ‘super-high tone’ immediately following the last lexical high tone in the sentence, but there is little agreement in the literature about the intonation of yes–no questions if there is no lexical high tone in the sentence. To clarify the differences between statements and yes–no questions in Luganda, an acoustic production study was conducted. Nineteen speakers read aloud sentences differing in the location of the last lexical high tone relative to the end of the sentence. Each sentence was produced as a statement and as a question. Analysis of f0 measurements supported Hyman’s description of sentences with a lexical high tone, since the questions had an f0 peak that was higher and later than in the corresponding statements. For sentences without a lexical high tone, yes–no questions were found to begin with an interval in which f0 is higher than in corresponding statements, and end with a final f0 value lower than in statements. It is proposed that the yes–no question marker is a phrase accent (H–). Like the high phrase accent posited by Pierrehumbert for English, this intonational tone is associated after the last tone in the phrase, but in Luganda that last tone is lexical, rather than being an intonational focus marker as in English. This H– accent is subject to upstep in the position after a high tone.

卢干达（乌干达班图）的是-否问题的语调只是顺便勾勒出来的。Hyman 指出，卢干达语的 yes–no 问题在句子中的最后一个词汇高调之后立即以“超高调”标记，但文献中几乎没有一致同意如果没有词汇，则 yes–no 问题的语调句子中的高音。为了澄清卢干达语中陈述和是-否问题之间的差异，进行了声学生产研究。十九位说话者大声朗读句子的最后一个词汇高音相对于句子结尾的位置不同。每个句子都是作为陈述和问题产生的。f0 测量值的分析支持海曼对带有词汇高音的句子的描述，因为问题的 f0 峰值比相应的陈述更高和更晚。对于没有词汇高调的句子，yes-no 问题被发现以 f0 高于相应语句的间隔开始，并以低于语句的最终 f0 值结束。建议是-否问号是短语重音（H–）。就像 Pierrehumbert 为英语设定的高音短语重音一样，这种语调与短语中的最后一个声调相关联，但在卢干达语中，最后一个声调是词汇性的，而不是像英语那样作为语调焦点标记。这个H - accent是在高音之后的位置上加upstep的。