当前位置: X-MOL 学术Journal of World History › 论文详情
Our official English website, www.x-mol.net, welcomes your feedback! (Note: you will need to create a separate account there.)
African States since Independence: Order, Development, and Democracy by David Christensen and David D. Laitin (review)
Journal of World History Pub Date : 2021-03-25
Dawne Y. Curry

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • African States since Independence: Order, Development, and Democracy by David Christensen and David D. Laitin
  • Dawne Y. Curry
African States since Independence: Order, Development, and Democracy. By david christensen and david d. laitin. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019. xix + 395 pp. ISBN 978-0-300-22661-4. $50.00 (hardcover).

In this compelling monograph, Christensen and Laitin employ social science theory to chart the political and economic failures of post-independent sub-Saharan Africa, and to offer a prognosis for how the continent can shape a better future for its fifty-four nations. The book coalesces around this principal question: why have African colonial states not fulfilled their promise to deliver prosperity, good governance, and security? Christensen and Laitin make several assertions: African states failed to keep up with other members of the "underdeveloped world," and they did not fulfil the promises offered by independent Africa's charismatic leaders—Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana), Ahmed Sekou Touré (Guinea), Leopold Senghor (Senegal), Jomo Kenyatta (Kenya), Patrice Lumumba (The Congo), and Obafemi Awolowo and Nnamdi Azikiwe (Nigeria). Sixteen chapters explore Africa's great expectations and unfulfilled dreams, its geography and historical constraints, its post-independence policies; and its visions for [End Page 186] a new era. Christiansen and Laitin chart the continent's progression from the optimistic mood at independence to the Afro-pessimism that enveloped African nations struggling to exist following the structural, and geographical imposition of colonialism. Their offering is not a sugar-coated explanation of historic events, financial, and political upheavals, and medical pandemics, but rather the authors portray Africa as an evolving continent whose promise still exists amid the challenges still waged from the wake and the aftermath of colonialism's ubiquitous presence, and hold.

Christensen and Laitin begin this exploration with a brief biographical analysis of the aforementioned leaders to show how they each gained legitimacy. Nkrumah, Lumumba, Kenyatta and the others had to figure out how to win the people's trust. They became legitimate leaders through their western education, colonial-imposed incarceration, and their charismatic appeal. For example, Nkrumah became the continent's first-sub-Saharan nation to gain independence from a colonial power when Great Britain granted the west African nation its freedom in 1957. Nkrumah, who represented a member of an ethnic minority, gained mass appeal by donning Kente cloth, portraying himself as a simple man who could have a meal with villagers, and who visited them in his trademark Cadillac that people touched in reverence (p. 18). Touré differed from all of the other leaders. He chose not accept continued French support when his country, Guinea gained its independence in 1958. Considered a rebel, Touré portrayed himself as a descendant of the great anti-colonial figure Samory. The Guinean gained legitimization by inserting himself within a broader category of nation rather than through an ethnic group or by having an incarcerated past or western education (p. 24). As Christensen and Laitin illustrate, charisma did not lead African leaders and their constituencies to a promised land. Instead, the continent faced grave security, economic, and democratic issues.

One of the reasons for these problems lies with the Berlin Conference and the partitioning of Africa in 1884 and 1885. Christensen and Laitin devise different theoretical categorizations to document how geography has played a role in the continent's formation, its evolution, but also in its underdevelopment, and isolation. Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and seven other nations represent difficult geographies because they have a rimland country separated by vast stretches of unpopulated lands (p. 116). The hinterland nations of Mali, Chad, Mauritania, and Niger have their economic, and political resources concentrated in their respective capitals of Bamako, N'djena, Nouakchott, and Niamey. The authors cite nineteen countries that have favorable political geographies. [End Page 187] Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, and others make this list because they "easily permit the projection of power from the capital city to the countryside" (pp. 119–120). The last category is neutral geographies. These nations do not fit these depictions: large countries with noncontinuous areas, high population densities, or the concentration of population in a small area or within the capital cities. Geography reveals other things. For instance...



中文翻译:

独立以来的非洲国家:秩序,发展与民主,作者:大卫·克里斯滕森(David Christensen)和大卫·莱丹(David D. Laitin)(评论)

代替摘要,这里是内容的简要摘录:

审核人:

  • 独立以来的非洲国家:戴维·克里斯滕森和戴维·莱丹的秩序,发展与民主
  • Dawne Y.咖喱
独立以来的非洲国家:秩序,发展与民主。由大卫·克里斯滕森大卫·d。莱汀。纽黑文(New Haven):耶鲁大学出版社(Yale University Press),2019年。xix + 395页,ISBN 978-0-300-22661-4。$ 50.00(精装)。

在这本引人注目的专着中,克里斯滕森和莱汀运用社会科学理论来描绘独立后撒哈拉以南非洲的政治和经济失败,并为该大陆如何为其54个国家塑造更美好的未来提供一个预言。该书结合了以下主要问题:非洲殖民国家为什么没有履行其实现繁荣,善政和安全的诺言?克里斯滕森(Christensen)和莱汀(Laitin)提出了几项主张:非洲各州未能跟上“欠发达世界”的其他成员,并且没有兑现非洲独立的超凡魅力领袖夸梅·恩克鲁玛(加纳),艾哈迈德·塞库·图雷(几内亚),利奥波德·桑戈尔(塞内加尔),乔莫·肯雅塔(肯尼亚),帕特里斯·卢蒙巴(刚果)和奥巴贝米·阿沃罗沃和纳南迪·阿齐基韦(尼日利亚)。第十六章探讨了非洲的巨大期望和未实现的梦想,非洲的地理和历史限制,独立后的政策;及其愿景[完第186页]一个新时代。克里斯蒂安森(Christiansen)和莱汀(Laitin)描绘了非洲大陆从乐观的独立情绪到非洲悲观主义的演变,这种悲观主义笼罩着在殖民主义的结构性和地理性影响下努力生存的非洲国家。他们的提议并不是对历史事件,金融和政治动荡以及医学大流行的糖衣衣甘食水的解释,而是作者将非洲描绘为一个不断发展的大陆,在殖民主义时代之后和之后所带来的挑战中,非洲的希望仍然存在无所不在的存在,并保持。

克里斯滕森(Christensen)和莱汀(Laitin)通过对上述领导人的简要传记分析来开始这一探索,以表明他们各自如何获得合法性。恩克鲁玛,卢蒙巴,肯雅塔和其他人必须弄清楚如何赢得人民的信任。他们通过西方教育,殖民地监禁和超凡魅力而成为合法的领导人。例如,当大不列颠于1957年授予西非国家自由后,恩库鲁玛就成为非洲大陆第一个从殖民统治下获得独立的撒哈拉以南国家。代表少数族裔成员的恩库鲁玛因穿着肯特而获得了广泛的吸引力。布,描绘自己是一个简单的人,可以与村民共进晚餐,并以他的凯迪拉克商标拜访了他们,人们敬畏地感动他们(第18页)。图雷与其他所有领导人都不一样。当他的国家几内亚1958年获得独立时,他选择不接受法国的持续支持。图埃被视为叛乱分子,他将自己描绘成伟大的反殖民人物萨莫里的后裔。几内亚人通过将自己纳入更广泛的国家类别而不是通过种族群体,或者通过对过去或西方的教育进行监禁而获得了合法化(第24页)。正如克里斯滕森(Christensen)和莱廷(Laitin)所说明的那样,个人魅力并没有将非洲领导人及其选民带到一个应许之地。相反,非洲大陆面临着严重的安全,经济和民主问题。几内亚人通过将自己纳入更广泛的国家类别而不是通过种族群体,或者通过对过去或西方的教育进行监禁而获得了合法化(第24页)。正如克里斯滕森(Christensen)和莱廷(Laitin)所说明的那样,个人魅力并没有将非洲领导人及其选民带到一个应许之地。相反,非洲大陆面临着严重的安全,经济和民主问题。几内亚人通过将自己纳入更广泛的国家类别而不是通过种族群体,或者通过对过去或西方的教育进行监禁而获得了合法化(第24页)。正如克里斯滕森(Christensen)和莱廷(Laitin)所说明的那样,个人魅力并没有将非洲领导人及其选民带到一个应许之地。相反,非洲大陆面临着严重的安全,经济和民主问题。

这些问题的原因之一在于1884年和1885年的柏林会议以及非洲的分裂。克里斯滕森和莱汀设计了不同的理论分类,以证明地理如何在非洲大陆的形成,演变以及不发达地区中发挥了作用和隔离。安哥拉,刚果民主共和国和其他七个国家/地区代表着艰难的地理位置,因为它们有一个边缘国家,周围是无人居住的广阔土地(第116页)。腹地国家马里,乍得,毛里塔尼亚和尼日尔的经济和政治资源集中在各自的首都巴马科,恩杰纳,努瓦克肖特和尼亚美。作者列举了拥有有利政治地理环境的19个国家。[完第187页]贝宁,博茨瓦纳,布基纳法索等人之所以加入该列表,是因为它们“轻松地将权力从首都投射到农村”(第119-120页)。最后一类是中性地理。这些国家与这些描述不符:大型国家/地区的区域不连续,人口密度高,或者人口集中在小区域或首都内。地理揭示了其他东西。例如...

更新日期:2021-03-25
down
wechat
bug