Reviewed by:

• Jewish Bodylore: Feminist and Queer Ethnographies of Folk Practices by Amy K. Milligan
• Karen E. H. Skinazi (bio)

In the introduction to Jewish Bodylore, Amy Milligan, whose slim volume at times slips into an intimate tone, allowing readers to feel like they are reading both textbook and messages from a friend, tells a personal story (one of several) in which she realizes that "everyone deserves to see representations of herself" (1). It is hardly controversial to say that Judaism traditionally centered its rituals and performances of religious life on boys and men—or, more specifically, on cisgender male bodies. Thus, bringing to the fore the critical viewpoints, practices, and representations [End Page 645] of women and queer Jews, which Milligan aims to do, is significant. Although a girl reading from the Torah and/or Haftarah at her bat mitzvah, using her voice to claim a place in a male-dominated space, is an old story by now, there are many other ways that women and LGBTQ individuals who have lacked representation in Jewish ritual and religious life now embody their own Jewish stories.

Milligan uses bodylore as her frame of analysis. This is a kind of folklore methodology that, as the terminology suggests, focuses on the body. The body, here, is a text: political, cultural, personal. The body makes statements by virtue of where it is (the female body including her voice, as noted, in a traditionally male space), what it displays (in tattoos, clothing, ritual items, hair), and what we do with it (ritualistic acts).

One example of Jewish bodylore that Milligan provides a thick description of is the feminist upsherin. It is on the male body, traditionally, that the ritual of upsherin is inscribed; this first haircut, given when a boy turns three years of age, marks a child as mature, a maturity restricted to his sex. With his haircut and subsequent reading of the Hebrew alphabet, according to traditional and some precincts of contemporary Orthodox Judaism, the boy is no longer an infant tied to his mother. Rather, he can now be identified as a bocher, a young scholar of Torah, wedded to the (serious and important) world of his father. Although there are some Orthodox sects of Judaism that have created an equivalent of this tradition for Jewish girls—for instance, in Chabad circles, it's common for a three-year-old girl to have a celebration as big and joyous as an upsherin, featuring her first Shabbat candle-lighting—Milligan focuses on a non-Orthodox innovation, a new feminist ritual for girls that retains the haircut but gives it new meaning. Rather than separating the child from her mother, the feminist upsherin positions the girl within a community of women and female spirituality. For Milligan, this practice is "inventive" rather than "adaptive," a distinction she holds to be critical, suggesting the former is far more meaningful. The feminist upsherin is not an "add women and stir" approach, she argues, channeling Vanessa Ochs (55). There are moments when I am not wholly compelled by claims that these innovations aren't adaptations (or appropriations of male rituals and roles), or that the parallel candle lighting ceremony, which elevates the traditionally female roles to be on par with male ones, isn't the more feminist version. But nevertheless, I am fascinated by the feminist upsherin as well as the other Jewish Renewal, queer, and feminist rituals detailed in the book.

The example of the upsherin is perhaps the most developed, but the book does offer explanatory notes for a good number of examples of queer and feminist Jewish embodiment of ritual. Jewish Bodylore is divided [End Page 646] into an introduction, five chapters, and a conclusion. Each chapter is discrete. The first two chapters elaborate different ways in which "the bodies of women become the literal intersecting point of contemporary politics" (21). Here we see how imbued synagogue life (space, ritual, garb) is with maleness and thus how political a statement it is for a woman to enter the fray. The third chapter discusses the feminist...

审核人：

• 犹太人体传说：艾米·米利根（Amy K. Milligan）的女权主义和酷儿民族习俗
• 凯伦（Karen）EH Skinazi（生物）

在《犹太人的身体简介》中，艾米·米利根（Amy Milligan）有时会把苗条的身材化为亲切的语调，使读者感到自己正在读教科书和朋友的信息，讲述了一个她所意识到的个人故事（其中几个） “每个人都应该看到自己的代表”（1）。犹太教传统上将宗教仪式和宗教生活的重点放在男孩和男人上，或者更具体地说，在男女两性上集中，这一点几乎没有争议。因此，将批判性的观点，实践和表述脱颖而出[End Page 645]米利根（Milligan）的目标是实现对妇女和古怪犹太人的关注，这一点意义重大。尽管女孩在蝙蝠仪式上从律法书和（或）哈夫塔拉读书，用自己的声音宣称自己在男性主导的空间中占有一席之地，这是一个古老的故事，但是女性和LGBTQ个人还有许多其他的缺少的方式犹太人在宗教仪式和宗教生活中的代表性现在体现了他们自己的犹太故事。

Milligan使用身体传说作为她的分析框架。正如术语所暗示的那样，这是一种民俗学方法，着眼于身体。这里的身体是一个文本：政治，文化，个人。身体根据其所在位置（在传统的男性空间中，女性的身体包括她的声音），显示的内容（在纹身，衣服，礼仪用品，头发上）以及我们的处理方式做出陈述（礼节性行为）。

女权主义者upsherin是Milligan详尽描述的犹太体裁的一个例子。传统上是在男性身体上刻上upsherin的仪式的。第一次理发是在一个男孩三岁时进行的，标志着一个孩子已经成熟，成熟度仅限于他的性别。根据传统知识和当代东正教犹太教的某些区域，他的发型和后来的希伯来字母读法使该男孩不再是与母亲绑在一起的婴儿。相反，他现在可以被识别为波彻，是摩西五经的年轻学者，嫁入了他父亲的（严肃而又重要的）世界。尽管有一些犹太教东正教派为犹太女孩创造了这种传统，例如，在恰巴德（Chabad）圈子中，三岁的女孩通常会像upsherin一样欢庆大喜乐，她的第一个Shabbat烛光蜡烛-Milligan专注于非东正教创新，这是一种新的女权主义女性礼仪，既保留了发型又赋予了新的含义。女权主义者upsherin不是将孩子与母亲分开将女孩定位在女性和女性灵性社区中。对于Milligan而言，这种做法是“创新的”而不是“自适应的”，她认为这是至关重要的区别，表明前者的意义要大得多。她认为，女权主义者upsherin不是“增加女人和煽动性”的方法，引导了Vanessa Ochs（55）。有时候，我并不能完全被这些创新不是改编（或男性礼节和角色的挪用）的主张所强迫，也不是并行的烛光仪式将传统上的女性角色提升为与男性相同，不是更女性主义的版本。但是，尽管如此，我对女权主义者上舍林还是很着迷的 以及本书中详细介绍的其他犹太复兴，酷儿和女权仪式。

上流社会的例子也许是最发达的，但是这本书确实为许多酷儿和女权主义犹太人对仪式的体现提供了解释性注释。犹太Bodylore被划分[尾页646]到导入，五个章节，并得出结论。每章都是离散的。前两章阐述了“妇女的身体成为当代政治的字面上交点”的不同方式（21）。在这里，我们看到犹太人的生活（空间，仪式，服装）充满了男性气息，因此，妇女进入战场是一种政治上的陈述。第三章讨论女权主义。