The rise of populism in the West is often depicted as opposition to a “double liberalism”, which is economic and cultural in tandem. In this optic, neoliberalism and multiculturalism are allied under a common liberal regime that prescribes “openness”, while populism rallies against both under the flag of “closure”. This paper questions the central assumptions of this scenario: first, that neoliberalism and multiculturalism are allies; and, secondly, that populism is equally opposed to neoliberalism and to multiculturalism. With respect to the alliance hypothesis, it is argued that only a diluted version of multiculturalism, in terms of diversity and antidiscrimination, is compatible with neoliberalism, which also needs to be sharply distinguished from liberalism. With respect to the dual opposition hypothesis, it is argued that the economic inequalities generated by neoliberalism may objectively condition populist revolts, but that these inequalities are not centrally apprehended and addressed in their programs; furthermore, it is argued that the rejection of multiculturalism indeed is central to populist mobilization, but that the two have important things in common, not least that both are variants of identity politics, if incompatible ones.

在西方，民粹主义的兴起经常被描述为与“双重自由主义”相对立，后者是经济和文化串联的。在这种视角下，新自由主义和多元文化主义在规定“开放”的共同自由主义制度下结盟，而民粹主义则在“封闭”的旗帜下联合反对两者。本文对这种情况的主要假设提出了质疑：首先，新自由主义和多元文化主义是盟友。其次，民粹主义同样反对新自由主义和多元文化主义。关于联盟假说，有人认为，就多样性和反歧视而言，只有多元文化主义的淡化版本才与新自由主义兼容，新自由主义也必须与自由主义区别开来。关于双重对立假设，有人认为，新自由主义所产生的经济不平等可能客观地限制了民粹主义的反抗，但这些不平等并未在其纲领中得到集中理解和解决。此外，有人认为，事实上，对多元文化主义的拒绝这是民粹主义动员的中心，但两者具有重要的共同点，尤其是两者都是同一性政治的变体，如果两者不相容的话。