Reviewed by:

• The People's Revolt: Texas Populists and the Roots of American Liberalism by Gregg Cantrell
• Matthew Hild

The Populist movement of the 1890s played an important role in the history of Texas, and Texas played an important role in the history of that movement. Two previous books, The People's Party in Texas: A Study in Third Party Politics by Roscoe C. Martin (University of Texas Press, 1933), and Farmers in Rebellion: The Rise and Fall of the Southern Farmers' Alliance and People's Party in Texas (University of Texas Press, 1984) by Donna A. Barnes, have examined Texas Populism, and broader studies by historians such as Lawrence Goodwyn and Robert C. McMath have paid close attention to Texas. Significantly, McMath argued that the Southern Farmers' Alliance, which farmers formed in Lampasas County, Texas, in or around 1877, served as the "Populist vanguard" that gave birth to the People's (or Populist) Party during 1891–92. In an era that some observers have dubbed the "new" or "second" Gilded Age, the Populists remain relevant. Gregg Cantrell has written about various aspects of Texas Populism as well as the African American Populist leader John B. Rayner of Robertson County in previous journal articles and books, and he brings decades of research to this magisterial new study.

In addition to providing a fresh perspective on the topic, this book serves as an almost encyclopedic examination of Texas Populism. Cantrell has utilized resources made available on the Internet as well as those only available in archives and courthouses to compile a massive trove of primary sources. The bibliography lists 123 newspapers, most from Texas but others from across the United States. Goodwyn found much of the impetus for the Populist movement in the rise and fall of the cooperative enterprises that the Farmers' Alliance established as a means of eliminating middlemen from its members' financial transactions. The People's Revolt contains an appendix that lists all the Texas Farmers' Alliance cooperatives that Cantrell "was able to identify with a reasonable degree of confidence" (445). This list is seventeen pages long and provides detailed information about each of some 320 cooperatives. Specific chapter topics include, but are not limited to, the roots of Texas Populism, of which [End Page 354] Cantrell presents a more nuanced interpretation than did Goodwyn; the birth of the Texas People's Party; the state elections of 1892, 1894, and 1896; the Texas Populists' ideological beliefs, policy positions, and efforts at crafting and passing legislation; how the Texas Populists grappled with issues of race, ethnicity, and gender; and how and why the Texas People's Party collapsed as the 1890s drew to a close. Cantrell also puts forth an informative analysis of the differences between "Populism" (upper-case "P") and the "populism" (lower-case "p") that followed.

The thesis of The People's Revolt is revealed in the book's subtitle. Cantrell posits that the Populists, in Texas and elsewhere, were "the progenitors of modern liberalism" (12). Recalling some of the important proclamations of liberal icons such as Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Lyndon Baines Johnson, and Barack Obama, Cantrell contends that "these leaders were invoking a political ideology first enunciated by Populists, and particularly by those in Texas" (22). Earlier historians of American or southern Populism, such as John D. Hicks and C. Vann Woodward, drew links between Populism and early twentieth-century Progressivism, and as Cantrell shows and other scholars have previously shown, in Texas some Populists of the 1890s later became progressive Democrats. Making a connection between Texas Populists and LBJ and Obama is more tenuous (even though, as Cantrell explains, LBJ's grandfather was a Texas Populist himself). We have no way of knowing what an 1890s Populist would have thought of the Great Society or "Obamacare." Nevertheless, Cantrell makes a compelling argument, and he certainly shows that the Populists were at the forefront of liberal thought on pressing issues of their own era that are still relevant today.

The People's Revolt is an important book, then...

审核人：

• 人民起义：德克萨斯民粹主义者和美国自由主义的根源格雷格·坎特雷尔（Gregg Cantrell）
• 马修·希尔德（Matthew Hild）

1890年代的民粹主义运动在得克萨斯州的历史中起着重要作用，而得克萨斯州在该运动的历史中起着重要作用。以前的两本书，《德克萨斯州的人民党：罗斯科·马丁大学的第三方政治研究》（德克萨斯大学出版社，1933年）和《叛乱的农民：南方农民联盟和德克萨斯人民党的兴衰》（德州大学出版社，1984年，德克萨斯大学出版社）研究了德克萨斯民粹主义，而诸如劳伦斯·古德温（Lawrence Goodwyn）和罗伯特·麦克马特（Robert C. McMath）等历史学家进行的更广泛的研究也密切关注了德克萨斯。值得一提的是，麦克马斯认为，南方农民联盟是1877-92年间在人民（或民粹主义）党诞生的“波普派先锋队”，由农民在得克萨斯州的兰帕萨斯县成立。在一些观察家称其为“新的”或“第二个”镀金时代的时代，民粹主义者仍然与时俱进。格雷格·坎特雷尔（Gregg Cantrell）在以前的期刊文章和书中写过德克萨斯民粹主义的各个方面，以及罗伯逊县的非洲裔美国民粹主义领袖约翰·B·雷纳（John B. Rayner），他将数十年的研究带入了这项重要的新研究。

除了提供有关该主题的新鲜观点之外，本书还对德克萨斯民粹主义进行了近乎百科全书的审查。坎特雷尔利用互联网上可用的资源以及仅在档案馆和法院中可用的资源来汇编大量的主要资源。参考书目列出了123种报纸，大多数来自德克萨斯州，但其他来自美国各地。在农民联盟建立的合作社企业兴衰中，古德温发现了民粹主义运动的大部分动力，而合作社是为了消除中间人参与其会员的金融交易而建立的。人民起义包含一个附录，该附录列出了Cantrell“能够以合理的置信度进行识别”的所有得克萨斯州农民联盟合作社（445）。该列表长17页，提供有关320个合作社中每个合作社的详细信息。本章中的特定主题包括但不限于德克萨斯民粹主义的起源，其中[End Page 354]坎特雷尔提出的解释比古德温更微妙。德州人民党的诞生；1892年，1894年和1896年的州选举；德州民粹主义者的思想观念，政策立场以及在制定和通过立法方面的努力；德州民粹主义者如何应对种族，种族和性别问题；以及随着1890年代的结束，德克萨斯人民党崩溃的方式和原因。坎特雷尔还对随后的“民粹主义”（大写“ P”）和“民粹主义”（小写“ p”）之间的差异进行了有益的分析。

人民起义的论文会在书的字幕中显示出来。坎特雷尔认为，得克萨斯州和其他地方的民粹主义者是“现代自由主义的始祖”（12）。坎特雷尔回顾了一些自由主义偶像的重要声明，例如富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福，林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊和巴拉克·奥巴马，他辩称：“这些领导人正在引用由民粹主义者特别是得克萨斯人首先阐明的政治意识形态”（22）。早期的美国或南方民粹主义历史学家，例如约翰·D·希克斯和C·范·伍德沃德，在民粹主义和二十世纪早期的进步主义之间建立了联系，正如坎特雷尔（Cantrell）的展示和其他学者先前所表明的那样，德克萨斯州的一些民粹主义者后来出现在1890年代。成为进步的民主党人。在德克萨斯民粹主义者与LBJ和奥巴马之间建立联系更加脆弱（尽管 正如坎特雷尔所解释的那样，LBJ的祖父本人是德克萨斯民粹主义者。我们无法知道1890年代的民粹主义者对大社会或“奥巴马医改”的看法。然而，坎特雷尔提出了令人信服的论点，他当然表明，民粹主义者在当今仍然重要的自己时代的紧迫问题上处于自由主义思想的最前沿。

人民起义是一本重要的书，然后...