Reviewed by:

• A World Divided: The Global Struggle for Human Rights in the Age of Nation-States by Eric D. Weitz
• David Hawk (bio)

It is almost conventional wisdom that human rights norms emerged in the process of political, economic, and social modernization. Specifically, that civil and political norms emerged as tribal confederations, kingdoms, and empires, including colonial empires, became states, and the residents within them evolved from being subjects of chiefs, kings, or emperors to being citizens of the newly emerged states. At the same time, new social and economic norms emerged as agriculture, mining, and craft production for subsistence and local consumption were replaced by plantation agriculture, large-scale mining, and industrial production for distant markets.

In some iterations this long-term global modernization process presents itself as teleologically progressive. But, in fact, these modernizing processes were massively disruptive, dislocating, exploitative, and violent. Many states were created by internal or external wars. Even more states determined their boundaries through warfare with neighboring states. Additionally, the states that were formed out of kingdoms and empires in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were not the abstract state of liberal political theory. Rather they were, as World Divided makes vividly clear, nation-states—the idea, still very much alive in today's world, that a "state" should be associated with a particular "national group" or sometimes "national groups."

As Eric Weitz seeks to tell us, in the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, nation-states became the predominate model of the modern world. Parts of this story, including the ethnic mayhem, are well known, or at least have been told before, for example in Andreas Wimmer's social science survey, Waves of War: Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in the Modern World.¹ What Weitz adds to this story, which he tells in multiple "emblematic" accounts is the explicitly human rights part of these struggles. In particular, most of the new nation-states took the form of republics, in which, at least nominally, power was held by the people and their elected representatives. Thus, nation-state formation usually provided the institutions of classic republicanism—real or supposedly representative government bodies and parliaments, a judiciary, and a constitution that recognized and protected rights.

After 1948 or so it is possible to speak of international human rights, but as Weitz notes, "[i]n our divided world of 193 sovereign nation-states, we have rights, first and foremost as national citizens."² And this invariably entails that each sovereign nation-state has to decide who within it gets to be a rights-bearing citizen, that is, who has "the right to rights."

Answering this fundamental question necessarily results in what Professor Weitz terms "population politics"—which all too often turns out to be large-scale massacres, what we now call "ethnic cleansing," or what was euphemistically termed "population exchanges" or "population unmixing." Thus, both nation-state formation and the emergence and application of human rights norms [End Page 226] within a nation-state is often a very oppressive and messy project. Hence, the subtitle to World Divided: The Global Struggle for Human Rights in the Age of Nation-States.

Weitz begins his story in post-Napoleonic Europe, with the American and French revolutions having already introduced the model of including "rights" into state-forming declarations and constitutions along with classic republican institutions. He then traces the influences of nationalism, colonialism (including the so-called "scientific racism" that accompanied overseas conquests in the late nineteenth century) along with the break-up of older empires in Europe and the formation and break-up of newer, and often overseas empires, and the new states created from the newer nineteenth century and turn of the twentieth century empires.

Weitz tells the story of this global struggle through nine "emblematic" case studies in which some examples achieved nation-statehood, while others did not and where some "populations" received "the right to rights," while others did not. His case studies include;

• • carving Greece out of the Ottoman Empire;

• • the removal of indigenous Native American...

审核人：

• 一个分裂的世界：对人权的全球斗争中的民族国家时代由Eric D.韦茨
• 大卫·霍克（生物）

人权规范是在政治，经济和社会现代化进程中出现的，这几乎是传统常识。具体来说，公民和政治规范是由部落邦联，王国和帝国（包括殖民帝国）组成的国家而形成的，其中的居民从酋长，国王或皇帝的臣民演变为新兴国家的公民。同时，新的社会和经济规范出现了，农业，采矿和为维持生计和当地消费而生产的手工业被种植业，大规模采矿和远距离市场的工业生产所取代。

在某些迭代中，这种长期的全球现代化过程将其自身呈现为目的论上的进步。但是，实际上，这些现代化过程具有巨大的破坏性，混乱性，剥削性和暴力性。许多州是由内部或外部战争建立的。甚至更多的州通过与邻国的战争来确定自己的边界。另外，在19世纪和20世纪由王国和帝国组成的国家不是自由主义政治理论的抽象状态。就像《分裂世界》清楚地表明的那样，它们是民族国家，这种思想在当今世界仍然非常活跃，认为“国家”应该与特定的“民族”或有时是“民族”相关联。

正如埃里克·威茨（Eric Weitz）试图告诉我们的那样，在19世纪和20世纪的过程中，民族国家成为现代世界的主要模式。这个故事的某些部分，包括种族混乱，是众所周知的，或者至少在以前已经讲过，例如在安德烈亚斯·威默（Andreas Wimmer）的社会科学调查《战争的浪潮：现代世界中的民族主义和种族冲突》中。^1个魏茨在这个故事中所添加的东西，他在多个“集体”的叙述中讲述的，是这些斗争中明确的人权部分。特别是，大多数新的民族国家采取了共和国的形式，其中，至少在名义上，功率召开由人民和他们选出的代表。因此，民族国家的形成通常提供了经典的共和主义制度，即真正的或据认为具有代表性的政府机构和议会，司法机构以及承认和保护权利的宪法。

在1948年左右以后，可以谈论国际人权，但是正如韦茨指出的那样，“在我们这个由193个主权民族国家组成的分裂世界中，我们首先享有作为国民的权利。” ²这必然必然导致每个主权民族国家必须决定其内部的谁将成为有权利的公民，即谁具有“权利权”。

回答这个基本问题必然会导致魏茨教授所说的“人口政治”（通常被称为大规模屠杀），我们现在所说的“种族清洗”或被委婉地称为“人口交流”或“人口”的东西。拆开。” 因此，民族国家的形成以及人权规范的出现和应用[End Page 226]在一个民族国家中通常都是一个非常压迫和混乱的项目。因此，副标题为“世界分裂：民族国家时代的全球人权斗争”。

魏茨在拿破仑时代后的欧洲开始了他的故事，美国和法国的革命已经引入了将“权利”纳入国家形成的宣言和宪法以及经典的共和制体制的模式。然后，他追踪了民族主义，殖民主义（包括伴随着19世纪后期海外征服而来的所谓“科学种族主义”）的影响，以及欧洲较旧的帝国的瓦解以及较新的帝国的形成和瓦解，通常是海外帝国，而新的国家则是在新的19世纪和20世纪初的帝国建立的。

魏茨通过九个“具有代表性的”案例研究讲述了这场全球斗争的故事，其中一些例子实现了国家建国，而另一些则没有实现，有些“人口”获得了“权利”，而另一些则没有。他的案例研究包括：

• •将希腊从奥斯曼帝国中雕刻出来；

• •移走土著美洲原住民...