Reviewed by:

• The Captive Sea: Slavery, Communication, and Commerce in Early Modern Spain and the Mediterranean by Daniel Hershenzon
• Kathryn Burns

EARLY MODERN COMMERCE IN CAPTIVE LABOR was not limited to transatlantic routes. Indeed, the transatlantic slave trade arguably grew out of an older Mediterranean trade that tends to be studied quite separately: the commerce in men and women taken captive as part of the ever-shifting engagements of Mediterranean merchants and polities. Daniel Hershenzon’s fine study of the western Mediterranean portion of this trade emphasizes that the stakes were neither small nor merely local. By one recent estimate, “between 1450 and 1850 at least three million people—Muslims and Christians—lost their liberty at sea or on land and were enslaved” (2). Most would spend the rest of their lives in captivity.

However, unlike the millions of sub-Saharan African men and women seized and shipped across the Atlantic, Mediterranean captives had some hope of returning home. Over the centuries in which Mediterranean Christians and Muslims enslaved each other, they also created practices of rescate that might enable slaves’ coreligionists to buy them back. Institutions developed to facilitate such operations, the most notable Iberian example being the “ransoming brothers” of the Order of Mercy founded in the early thirteenth century. The dust jacket of Hershenzon’s book features these men at work: in Francisco Pacheco’s striking depiction (ca. 1600), Mercedarian founder Pere Nolasc (1189–1256) and a fellow friar are embarking on a ransoming voyage, accompanied by trunks presumably full of funds raised to purchase enslaved Christians. For captives like Miguel de Cervantes—held in Algiers from 1575 to 1580 before being ransomed—slavery might be a difficult chapter in their lives, but not the final one.

Hershenzon makes signal contributions to a growing literature that is helping us understand this commerce. He focuses primarily on the western [End Page 153] Mediterranean corridors that linked Spain to Morocco and the Ottoman Maghrib. As corsairs and pirates intensified their raiding after the 1581 treaty that ended the struggle for naval supremacy between the Spanish and Ottoman empires, he argues, regional dynamics were transformed. Raids tended to yield relatively few captives, but they came so thick and fast that they produced “a longer-lasting and more stable population of captives than had large-scale naval battles before 1581” (9). This, in turn, put a premium on the efficiency of institutions and networks that brokered captives’ exchange. Increased raiding also intensified connections and communication of all kinds. Ransoming orders like the Mercedarians and Trinitarians were heavily involved in these exchanges, but they were hardly the only ones. The constant back-and-forth of letters, petitions, rumors, and intermediaries helped shape a western Mediterranean region that arguably grew closer, more interconnected, even as more and more people were sundered from their kin and their home communities.

The Captive Sea comes alive in the abundant details Hershenzon has gleaned from archives around the region. Like scholars before him, he acknowledges the relative scarcity of sources by and about Muslim actors. But that doesn’t stop him from making every effort to find and use what is available. The result is a study that richly illustrates captivity and commerce from multiple perspectives: those of captives, captors, merchants, and rulers, pashas and sultans as well as kings. The Captive Sea provides, above all, a view of captivity as a unified system—one in which captives’ fates intersected with an astonishing variety of political, economic, and religious interests.

Chapters 1–3 introduce the principals and procedures of the ransom process. Hershenzon emphasizes that enslaved men and women moved around much more than historians have realized. Captives might be sold and resold, perhaps several times. And a wide assortment of people might become involved in freeing them. Hershenzon highlights in chapter 2 the role of the individual merchants—Christian, Muslim, and Jewish—who participated extensively in the business of ransoming alongside the Trinitarians and Mercedarians. The friars, restricted in their ability to operate in North Africa, often found themselves relying on the connections...

审核人：

• 俘虏之海：近代西班牙和地中海地区的奴隶制，通讯和商业作者：Daniel Hershenzon
• 凯瑟琳·伯恩斯（Kathryn Burns）

早期的现代劳务贸易不限于跨大西洋航线。的确，跨大西洋的奴隶贸易可以说是源自较古老的地中海贸易，这种贸易往往被单独研究：男人和女人的贸易被俘虏，这是地中海商人和政治组织不断变化的参与的一部分。丹尼尔·赫尔森松（Daniel Hershenzon）对这笔交易的地中海西部部分的精细研究强调，赌注既不小，也不是地方性的。根据最近的一项估计，“在1450年至1850年之间，至少有300万人（穆斯林和基督徒）在海上或陆地上失去了自由，被奴役了”（2）。大多数人将余生都在囚禁中度过。

但是，与数以百万计的撒哈拉以南非洲男人和女人被扣押并运往大西洋的方式不同，地中海俘虏有一些返回家园的希望。在地中海基督徒和穆斯林相互奴役的几个世纪中，他们还创造了重新定居的习俗这可能使奴隶的核心主义者回购他们。机构的发展是为了促进这种行动，最著名的伊比利亚例子是始建于13世纪初期的“怜悯令”的“勒索明兄弟”。Hershenzon的书中的防尘套以这些人为特色：在Francisco Pacheco的惊人描写（约1600年）中，Mercedarian创始人Pere Nolasc（1189–1256年）和一名男修道士正进行赎回航行，并伴随着装满资金的行李箱提出要购买被奴役的基督徒。对于像米格尔·德·塞万提斯这样的俘虏（1575年至1580年被关押在阿尔及尔之前被赎罪）来说，奴隶制可能是他们生活中艰难的一章，但不是最后一章。

Hershenzon为不断增长的文学做出了信号贡献，这些文学正在帮助我们了解这种贸易。他主要专注于西部[End Page 153]地中海走廊，将西班牙与摩洛哥和奥斯曼帝国的马格里布相连。他认为，随着1581年条约结束后，西班牙人和奥斯曼帝国之间的海军至高无上的斗争之后，海盗和海盗加强了对突袭的袭击，他改变了区域动力。突袭往往产生相对较少的俘虏，但突袭如此之快，以至于它们产生了“比1581年之前的大规模海战更持久和更稳定的俘虏人口”（9）。反过来，这也大大提高了代理人交换信息的机构和网络的效率。突袭的增加也加强了各种联系和沟通。像Mercedarians和Trinitarians这样的赎金订单大量参与了这些交流，但它们并不是唯一的。不断来回的字母，

赫尔辛松从该地区各地的档案中搜集的大量细节使俘虏之海充满活力。像他之前的学者一样，他承认穆斯林演员及其来源相对稀缺。但这并不能阻止他竭尽全力查找和使用可用的东西。结果是，这项研究从多个角度丰富地说明了被俘和商业行为：被俘，俘虏，商人，统治者，巴夏和苏丹以及国王。最重要的是，俘虏海将囚禁的观点视为一个统一的系统，在这种系统中，俘虏的命运与各种各样的政治，经济和宗教利益相交。

第1-3章介绍了赎金过程的原理和程序。Hershenzon强调，被奴役的男人和女人到处走动比历史学家意识到的要多得多。俘虏可能会被出售和转售，也许有几次。各种各样的人可能会参与其中以释放他们。Hershenzon在第二章中重点介绍了个体商人（基督徒，穆斯林和犹太人）的角色，他们与Trinitarians和Mercedarians一起广泛参与了赎金业务。这些男修道士在北非的行动能力受到限制，常常发现自己依赖于这种联系。