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Ellipsis with a Coordinated Antecedent: An Alternative to V‐stranding VP‐ellipsis
Studia Linguistica Pub Date : 2020-11-21 , DOI: 10.1111/stul.12148
Idan Landau 1
Affiliation  

Gribanova (2013b) observes that when the antecedent clause for an object gap in Russian contains a disjunction of ditransitive VPs, the gap is interpreted as if it contained the disjunction, thus favoring a V‐stranding VP‐ellipsis (VSVPE) analysis over a simple Argument Ellipsis (AE) analysis. We show that VSVPE fails to predict the attested interpretation of the gap when the antecedent VP contains a conjunction. The data are fully explained by combining AE with a pragmatic (scalar) inference triggered in situations of indeterminate ellipsis resolution, leading to multiple “cycles” in the dynamic semantics.

中文翻译:

具有协调前因的椭圆:V链VP省略号的替代方法

Gribanova(2013b)观察到,当俄语中的对象间隙的前提子句包含双传递VP的析取时,该间隙被解释为好像包含了该析取,因此倾向于使用V链VP省略号(VSVPE)分析,而不是简单的参数省略号(AE)分析。我们表明,VSVPE失败当先行VP包含一个预测的差距证明解释CON结。通过将AE与不确定的省略号解析情况下触发的语用(标量)推理相结合,可以充分解释数据,从而导致动态语义上的多个“循环”。
更新日期:2020-11-21
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