because of US empathy, but also because of the strategic efforts of non-Americans around the world. Overall, From Selma to Moscow successfully and importantly argues for a shift in the narrative origins debate about global human rights, making a valuable contribution to argue for how human rights as a concept and distinct moral language percolated among missionaries, academics, former Peace Corps volunteers, and low-level diplomats in an earlier period. It was these actors, as Snyder points out, that led to the eventual institutionalization of human rights measures in the US government. In addition to rethinking how human rights reached the highest level of government, Synder reveals how even Kissinger’s own staff and aides had begun to rethink and dissent on his obstinate anti-human rights view. Through these diverse case studies, Snyder reexamines how activists’ tireless efforts ultimately brought human rights to the fore of US policymaking—effectively illustrating how motivated and organized citizens can move the bureaucratic needle and create lasting institutional change. This lesson, Snyder rightfully asserts, remains as important for the period she studies as it does in today’s current political climate.

中文翻译：

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Azadeh Chalabi 的国家人权行动计划

因为美国的同理心，也因为全世界非美国人的战略努力。总体而言，《从塞尔玛到莫斯科》成功且重要地主张转变有关全球人权的叙事起源辩论，为论证人权作为一种概念和独特的道德语言如何在传教士、学者和前和平队志愿者中渗透做出宝贵贡献，以及早期的低级别外交官。正如斯奈德所指出的，正是这些行为者导致了美国政府人权措施的最终制度化。除了重新思考人权如何达到政府最高层之外，辛德还揭示了即使是基辛格自己的工作人员和助手也开始重新思考和反对他顽固的反人权观点。通过这些不同的案例研究，斯奈德重新审视了激进主义者的不懈努力如何最终将人权置于美国决策的前沿——有效地说明了有动力和有组织的公民如何能够推动官僚主义并创造持久的制度变革。斯奈德正确地断言，这一课在她学习的时期与在当今当前的政治气候中一样重要。