International organizations are increasingly paying attention to the problem of sexual violence. One outcome of this attention has been the adoption of instruments that call on states to punish perpetrators of rape and end impunity for this crime. The reporting of rape to law enforcement agencies is key to formally holding perpetrators accountable. This article examines the influence of police officers and gendarmes and of social forces on survivors’ decision to report rape in post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire. It also investigates the challenges that confront those who choose to seek redress from the state. It argues that the Ivorian conflict contributed to fostering a preference for redress from the state over informal justice mechanisms. On the other hand, the blaming and shaming of rape survivors was pervasive and discouraged them from reporting. Support from friends and relatives increased the likelihood that survivors would report rape but negative social reactions had adverse psychosocial effects on them. The article explores the implications of these findings for ending impunity and for post-conflict gender relations. SEXUAL VIOLENCE IS A THREAT to girls’ and women’s security that occurs during war and peacetime and cuts across religious, ethnic, and class lines. This violence is a manifestation of unequal gender relations and is reproduced through political, economic, and social *Peace A. Medie (peacemedie@gmail.com) is a Research Fellow in the Legon Centre for International Affairs and Diplomacy at the University of Ghana and an Oxford-Princeton Global Leaders Fellow. She is grateful to the survivors who bravely and generously spoke with her, and to all other participants in this study. She would like to thank O. A. for excellent research assistance. She would also like to thank Simidele Dosekun, Robert Keohane, Nic Cheeseman, Devon Curtis, the editors of African Affairs, and two anonymous reviewers for detailed and insightful comments, which were invaluable in improving this article. The author would also like to thank seminar participants at the University of Oxford, the University of Exeter, and the University of Cambridge for their helpful feedback. She would like to acknowledge funding from the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation, which supported preliminary fieldwork, and from the African Peacebuilding Network of the Social Science Research Council. All findings, opinions, and recommendations presented in this article are those of the author only. 414 D ow naded rom http/academ ic.p.com /afraf/article-a/116/464/414/3067739 by U niersity of G hna, Lgon user on 25 uly 2019 forces. It is often exacerbated by violent conflict and persists in its aftermath. Rape, which is a form of sexual violence, leaves psychological scars, exposes victims to HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases, results in injuries, and sometimes ends in death. Victims are sometimes blamed and shamed by their communities, exacerbating their psychological suffering and hindering their ability to socialize, go to school, and work. These negative social reactions discourage survivors from disclosing their victimization to relatives and friends and from seeking medical assistance. They also contribute to the decision not to seek redress from the state, and enable perpetrators to act with impunity. Meanwhile, international instruments call on states to hold perpetrators of sexual violence accountable. While instruments such as the Maputo Protocol urge African states to enact and enforce laws to punish sexual and other forms of violence against women, others such as UN Security Council Resolution 1325 focus on ending impunity for sexual violence in conflict-affected states. These instruments emphasize the need to build the capacity of the police and courts to enforce laws and prosecute offenders. However, despite this emphasis on ending impunity, particularly in conflict-affected states, there is a dearth of scholarship on rape survivors who seek redress from the state. This knowledge gap undermines efforts to end impunity for sexual violence. With post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire as a case study, this article draws on interviews and focus group discussions to examine survivors’ decisions to disclose, and not disclose, rape to law enforcement agencies. It also investigates the effects that social forces and law enforcement officers have on these decisions. The belief that rape had become more prevalent in Côte d’Ivoire since the war and that informal justice mechanisms were failing to deter this violence, coupled with awareness-raising campaigns, led to a preference for redress from the criminal justice system. However, this preference co-existed with a distrust of the system and the shaming and blaming of rape victims. Fear of these negative social reactions was the 1. Deevia Bhana, ‘“Girls are not free”—In and out of the South African school’, International Journal of Educational Development 32, (2012), pp. 352–358; Simidele Dosekun, ‘Defending feminism in Africa’, Postamble 3, 1 (2007), pp. 41–47. 2. Margaret Urban Walker, ‘Gender and violence in focus: A background for gender justice in reparations’, in Ruth Rubio-Marin (ed.), The Gender of reparations: Unsettling sexual hierarchies while redressing human rights violations (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2009), pp. 18–62. 3. The term ‘survivor’ is used throughout the text, except where the reference encompasses girls and women who died as a result of the attack. 4. Projestine S. Muganyizi, Charles Kilewo, and Candida Moshiro, ‘Rape against women: The magnitude, perpetrators and patterns of disclosure of events in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’, African Journal of Reproductive Health 8, 3 (2004), pp. 137–146. 5. Shannon Drysdale Walsh, ‘Engendering justice: Constructing institutions to address violence against women’, Studies in Social Justice 2, 1 (2008), pp. 48–66. 415 RAPE REPORTING IN POST-CONFLICT CÔTE D’IVOIRE D ow naded rom http/academ ic.p.com /afraf/article-a/116/464/414/3067739 by U niersity of G hna, Lgon user on 25 uly 2019 primary reason why survivors decided not to report rape to the police and gendarmerie, but distrust of law enforcement agencies only played a small role in this decision. The majority of survivors reversed their decision and filed a report after receiving encouragement and support from relatives and friends. They were, however, subsequently subjected to negative social reactions, which had adverse psychosocial repercussions. The next section discusses the barriers to reporting rape in Africa and reviews the literature on rape reporting. The article then explains how a commitment to a feminist research ethic shaped the design and execution of the study. The factors influencing the decision to report rape and the experiences of survivors who do so are then presented. This section is followed by a discussion of the tension between communities’ preference for the criminal justice system and negative social reactions, and its impact on gender relations, justice for survivors, and impunity. The underreporting of rape in Africa Most incidents of rapes are not disclosed to anyone, and survivors are more likely to disclose to informal support providers such as friends and relatives, than to formal providers such as the police. Although this reporting does not guarantee the arrest, prosecution, and incarceration of offenders, it is a necessary step to the state holding them accountable. This accountability is important for survivors’ emotional recovery. It is also needed to prevent their revictimization by the same offender, and the assault of other girls and women, at least for the duration of the offender’s incarceration. In states such as Côte d’Ivoire that are recovering from wars in which girls and women were targeted for sexual violence, the act of holding offenders accountable leads to the discontinuation of wartime impunity. On the other hand, because sexual violence is underpinned by patriarchal gender norms that are reinforced by political, economic, and social structures, the prosecution of offenders is not sufficient to prevent its occurrence. Furthermore, the corruption and ineffectiveness that characterize the criminal justice system, coupled with the revictimization of complainants and violence perpetrated by law enforcement officers, render the state an unattractive option to many survivors. The retributive approach 6. Berkeley Human Rights Centre, ‘The long road: Accountability for sexual violence in conflict and post-conflict settings’ (Berkeley Human Rights Centre, 2015); Bonnie S. Fisher, Leah E. Daigle, Francis T. Cullen and Michael G. Turner, ‘Reporting sexual victimization to the police and others: Results from a national-level study of college women’, Criminal Justice and Behavior 30, 6 (2003), pp. 6–38; Muganyizi et al., ‘Rape against women’. 7. Courtney E. Ahrens, Janna Stansell, and Amy Jennings, ‘To tell or not to tell: The impact of disclosure on sexual assault survivors’ recovery’, Violence and Victims 25, 5 (2010), pp. 631–648. 416 AFRICAN AFFAIRS D ow naded rom http/academ ic.p.com /afraf/article-a/116/464/414/3067739 by U niersity of G hna, Lgon user on 25 uly 2019 to justice of the formal system also repels survivors and causes many to seek redress from family palavers, religious forums, and customary courts. Across Africa, the decisions handed down in these informal forums have included the imprisonment of the offender, marriage between the survivor and offender, and restitution in the forms of goods and cash. Marriage and restitution are judgments that seek to maintain harmony between families and within communities. Indeed, despite some exceptions, these forums have prioritized reconciliation and restorative justice over establishing guilt and punishment, which characterize retributive justice. The salience of restorative justice has been attributed to families’ and traditional leaders’ desire to preserve social harmony. In fac

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冲突后科特迪瓦的强奸报告：伸张正义和结束有罪不罚现象

国际组织越来越关注性暴力问题。这种关注的一个结果是通过了一些文书，呼吁各国惩罚强奸的肇事者并结束这种罪行的有罪不罚现象。向执法机构举报强奸是正式追究肇事者责任的关键。本文考察了警察和宪兵以及社会力量对冲突后科特迪瓦幸存者决定报告强奸事件的影响。它还调查了那些选择从国家寻求补救的人所面临的挑战。它争辩说，科特迪瓦冲突促成了对国家补救而非非正式司法机制的偏爱。另一方面，对强奸幸存者的指责和羞辱无处不在，使他们不愿报道。朋友和亲戚的支持增加了幸存者报告强奸的可能性，但负面的社会反应会对他们产生不利的社会心理影响。本文探讨了这些发现对结束有罪不罚和冲突后性别关系的影响。性暴力是对女童和妇女安全的威胁，发生在战争和和平时期，跨越宗教、种族和阶级界限。这种暴力是不平等性别关系的一种表现，并通过政治、经济和社会进行复制 *Peace A. Medie (peacemedie@gmail.com) 是加纳大学勒贡国际事务和外交中心的研究员，牛津普林斯顿全球领袖研究员。她感谢那些勇敢而慷慨地与她交谈的幸存者，以及本研究的所有其他参与者。她要感谢 OA 出色的研究协助。她还要感谢 Simidele Dosekun、Robert Keohane、Nic Cheeseman、Devon Curtis、African Affairs 的编辑以及两位匿名审稿人提供的详细而有见地的评论，这些评论对改进本文非常宝贵。作者还要感谢牛津大学、埃克塞特大学和剑桥大学的研讨会参与者提供的有益反馈。她要感谢支持初步实地工作的哈里·弗兰克·古根海姆基金会和社会科学研究委员会非洲建设和平网络的资助。本文中的所有发现、意见和建议仅代表作者本人。414 Dow naded rom http/academ ic。p.com /afraf/article-a/116/464/414/3067739 作者：G hna 大学，Lgon 用户，2019 年 1 月 25 日。它常常因暴力冲突而加剧，并在其后果中持续存在。强奸是一种性暴力形式，会留下心理创伤，使受害者感染艾滋病毒和其他性传播疾病，造成伤害，有时甚至导致死亡。受害者有时会受到社区的指责和羞辱，加剧了他们的心理痛苦，阻碍了他们社交、上学和工作的能力。这些负面的社会反应使幸存者不愿向亲戚和朋友透露他们的受害情况，也不愿寻求医疗援助。它们还有助于做出不向国家寻求补救的决定，并使肇事者能够逍遥法外。同时，国际文书呼吁各国追究性暴力肇事者的责任。虽然《马普托议定书》等文书敦促非洲国家制定和执行法律以惩罚对妇女的性暴力和其他形式的暴力行为，但联合国安理会第 1325 号决议等其他文书则侧重于结束受冲突影响国家对性暴力行为的有罪不罚现象。这些文书强调需要建设警察和法院执法和起诉罪犯的能力。然而，尽管强调结束有罪不罚现象，特别是在受冲突影响的国家，但对寻求国家补救的强奸幸存者缺乏奖学金。这种知识差距破坏了结束性暴力有罪不罚现象的努力。以冲突后科特迪瓦为例，本文利用访谈和焦点小组讨论来审查幸存者向执法机构披露和不披露强奸的决定。它还调查了社会力量和执法人员对这些决定的影响。科特迪瓦自战争以来强奸变得更加普遍，而且非正式司法机制未能阻止这种暴力行为，再加上提高认识运动，导致人们倾向于通过刑事司法系统进行补救。然而，这种偏好与对制度的不信任以及对强奸受害者的羞辱和指责并存。1. Deevia Bhana，“女孩不是自由的”——进出南非学校”，国际教育发展杂志 32，（2012 年），第 352-358 页；西米德勒·多塞昆，“捍卫非洲的女权主义”，Postamble 3, 1 (2007)，第 41-47 页。2. Margaret Urban Walker，“焦点中的性别和暴力：赔偿中性别公正的背景”，见 Ruth Rubio-Marin（编辑），赔偿的性别：在纠正侵犯人权的同时扰乱性等级制度（剑桥大学出版社，剑桥，2009 年），第 18-62 页。3. 整个案文都使用了“幸存者”一词，除非提及因袭击而死亡的女孩和妇女。4. Projestine S. Muganyizi、Charles Kilewo 和 Candida Moshiro，“强奸妇女：坦桑尼亚达累斯萨拉姆事件的规模、肇事者和披露模式”，非洲生殖健康杂志 8, 3 (2004), pp . 137–146。5. Shannon Drysdale Walsh，“促进正义：构建机构以解决对妇女的暴力行为”，社会正义研究 2, 1 (2008)，第 48-66 页。415 冲突后科特迪瓦 Dow naded ROM 中的 415 强奸报告 http/academ ic.p.com/afraf/article-a/116/464/414/3067739 由 G hna 大学，Lgon 用户于 2009 年 1 月 25 日提供幸存者决定不向警察和宪兵报告强奸的主要原因，但对执法机构的不信任在这一决定中只起到了很小的作用。大多数幸存者在得到亲友的鼓励和支持后，改变了决定并报了案。然而，他们随后遭受了负面的社会反应，这产生了不利的社会心理影响。下一节讨论在非洲报道强奸的障碍并回顾有关强奸报道的文献。然后，文章解释了对女权主义研究伦理的承诺如何影响了研究的设计和执行。然后介绍了影响报告强奸决定的因素以及报告强奸的幸存者的经历。本节之后讨论了社区对刑事司法系统的偏好与负面社会反应之间的紧张关系，及其对性别关系、幸存者正义和有罪不罚的影响。非洲强奸案的漏报情况 大多数强奸事件不会向任何人披露，幸存者更有可能向朋友和亲戚等非正式支持提供者披露，而不是向警察等正式提供者披露。尽管此报告并不能保证逮捕、起诉和监禁罪犯，但它是国家追究其责任的必要步骤。这种责任感对于幸存者的情绪恢复很重要。还需要防止她们再次受到同一罪犯的伤害，以及对其他女孩和妇女的攻击，至少在罪犯被监禁期间是这样。在科特迪瓦等正在从女孩和妇女成为性暴力目标的战争中恢复过来的国家，追究犯罪者的责任导致战时有罪不罚现象的终止。另一方面，由于性暴力受到政治、经济和社会结构强化的父权制性别规范的支持，对犯罪者的起诉不足以防止其发生。此外，刑事司法系统的腐败和低效，再加上申诉人再次受害和执法人员实施暴力，使国家成为对许多幸存者没有吸引力的选择。报复性方法 6. 伯克利人权中心，“漫长的道路：冲突和冲突后环境中性暴力的问责制”（伯克利人权中心，2015 年）；Bonnie S. Fisher、Leah E. Daigle、Francis T. Cullen 和 Michael G. Turner，“向警方和其他人报告性受害：全国大学女性研​​究的结果”，刑事司法和行为 30, 6 ( 2003)，第 6-38 页；Muganyizi 等人，“强奸妇女”。7. Courtney E. Ahrens、Janna Stansell 和 Amy Jennings，“说与不说：披露对性侵犯幸存者康复的影响”，《暴力与受害者》25, 5 (2010)，第 631-648 页。416 AFRICAN AFFAIRS D ow naded rom http/academ ic.p.com /afraf/article-a/116/464/414/3067739 by U niersity of G hna, Lgon 用户于 2019 年 1 月 25 日对正式系统的司法也排斥幸存者并导致许多人从家庭、宗教论坛和习惯法庭寻求补救。在整个非洲，在这些非正式论坛上做出的决定包括监禁罪犯、幸存者与罪犯之间的婚姻，以及以物品和现金的形式赔偿。婚姻和赔偿是寻求维持家庭之间和社区内部和谐的判断。事实上，尽管有一些例外，这些论坛优先考虑和解和恢复性正义，而不是确立罪责和惩罚，后者是报复性正义的特征。恢复性司法的显着性归因于家庭和传统领导人维护社会和谐的愿望。事实上