thus subverting Brnabic’s racism. This is not new, as racializations of Albanians as subhuman have a long history in the Balkans; pejorative name calling and stereotypes of Albanians are common among non-Albanians in the former Yugoslavia. For example, shqiptari, which is the word Albanians use to describe themselves but is pejorative if used by others (in the same way as the n-word), is commonly used as a racial slur toward Albanians and has meanings that are very different when used by non-Albanians. Therefore, once again situating race as integral to the region and the region’s rootedness and embodiment in the transnational politics of race is vitally important, and Baker’s book does this well. Chapters 3 and 4 drive this further, with the conclusion rightly calling for race to be decoupled and disentangled from imperial and colonizing powers exclusively, to include regions that claim exception as nonimperial and/or colonizing powers. As Baker puts it, the “Yugoslav region is not an anomaly or an exception when it comes to race; it reflects the same ‘translations’ of race that structure the rest of the world” (p. 166).

中文翻译：

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归巢：阿巴拉契亚的种族与根源

从而颠覆了Brnabic的种族主义。这并不是什么新鲜事，因为在巴尔干地区，阿尔巴尼亚人被人为化的种族化历史悠久。在前南斯拉夫的非阿尔巴尼亚人中，阿尔巴尼亚语的贬义称呼和刻板印象很普遍。例如，shqiptari是阿尔巴尼亚人用来形容自己的单词，但如果被其他人使用则贬义（与n字相同），通常被用作对阿尔巴尼亚人的种族侮辱，其含义在由非阿尔巴尼亚人使用。因此，再次将种族置于该地区不可或缺的地位，并将该地区在种族的跨国政治中的扎根和体现至关重要，而贝克的书则做到了这一点。第3章和第4章进一步探讨了这一点，结论正确地要求将种族与帝国和殖民势力脱钩和分离，以包括声称是非帝国和/或殖民势力的地区。正如贝克所说，“南斯拉夫地区在比赛中既非异常也不例外。它反映了构成世界其他地区的相同的种族“翻译”（第166页）。