In many languages with clitic or other weak pronouns, a Person-Case Constraint (Perlmutter 1971, Bonet 1991) prohibits certain combinations of these pronouns on the basis of their person features. This article explores the crosslinguistic variation in such constraints, starting with several closely related Zapotec varieties. These restrict combinations of clitics not just on the basis of person, but also on the basis of a finely articulated, largely animacy-based gender system. Operating within a larger combinatorial space, these constraints offer a new perspective on the typology of Phi-Case Constraints (ΦCCs) more generally. This typology has an overall asymmetrical shape correlating with the underlying syntactic position of pronominal arguments. We develop a principled theory of this typology that incorporates three hypotheses: (a) ΦCCs arise from how a functional head Agrees with clitic pronouns, subject to intervention-based locality (Anagnostopoulou 2003, Béjar and Rezac 2003, 2009); (b) the variation in these constraints arises from variation in the relativization of probes (Anagnostopoulou 2005, Nevins 2007, 2011); and (c) clitic and other weak pronouns have no inherent need to be licensed via Agree with a functional head. Under this account, the crosslinguistic typology of ΦCCs has the potential to shed light on the grammatical representation of person and gender.

在许多带有附加词或其他弱代词的语言中，人称-格约束 (Perlmutter 1971, Bonet 1991) 根据人称特征禁止这些代词的某些组合。本文从几个密切相关的 Zapotec 变体开始探讨此类约束的跨语言变化。这些限制组合不仅基于人，而且基于精细表达的、主要基于活力的性别系统。在更大的组合空间中运行，这些约束为更普遍的 Phi-Case 约束 (ΦCC) 的类型学提供了新的视角。这种类型学具有与代词参数的基本句法位置相关的整体不对称形状。我们开发了这种类型学的原则性理论，其中包含三个假设：(a) ΦCCs 源于功能性头部如何与附着体代词一致，受基于干预的局部性的影响（Anagnostopoulou 2003，Béjar 和 Rezac 2003，2009）；(b) 这些约束的变化源于探针相对化的变化 (Anagnostopoulou 2005, Nevins 2007, 2011)；(c) clitic 和其他弱代词没有固有的需要通过同意功能头来获得许可。在这种情况下，ΦCC 的跨语言类型学有可能阐明人和性别的语法表示。(c) clitic 和其他弱代词没有固有的需要通过同意功能头来获得许可。在这种情况下，ΦCC 的跨语言类型学有可能阐明人和性别的语法表示。(c) clitic 和其他弱代词没有固有的需要通过同意功能头来获得许可。在这种情况下，ΦCC 的跨语言类型学有可能阐明人和性别的语法表示。