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Strictly Local Impoverishment: An Intervention Effect
Linguistic Inquiry ( IF 1.549 ) Pub Date : 2020-03-01 , DOI: 10.1162/ling_a_00339
Jurij Božič 1
Affiliation  

According to Harley (2008) and Nevins (2011), languages that exhibit systematic patterns of morphological syncretism must involve a rule that derives such syncretism as a “deep” property of the grammar. These authors show that, within Distributed Morphology (DM; Halle and Marantz 1993), the relevant rule is Impoverishment (Bonet 1991, Noyer 1992, Halle and Marantz 1994), which, as a context-sensitive operation, deletes feature F in the context of F . In discussing Ljubljana Slovenian, Nevins (2011) posits Impoverishment of the DUAL-number contrasts in the context of feminine gender. However, Nevins’s argument is based only on the relevant morphological paradigms in isolation and only on their nominative case forms. This squib provides more empirical context: namely, entire morphological paradigms from Ljubljana Slovenian, and the interaction of the relevant syncretism with agreement patterns. While the agreement patterns confirm the postsyntactic nature of Impoverishment, the full morphological paradigms show that Impoverishment is systematically blocked in certain case forms: while Impoverishment applies in the context of flexional morphology, it fails to do so in the context of agglutinative morphology. This pattern of blocking can be captured as an intervention effect if Impoverishment is limited to considering a strictly local X as context, namely, the closest X available in the c-command domain. While the locality constraints of certain PF phenomena, such as allomorphy, have been the subject of much discussion (Embick 2010, Bobaljik 2012, Merchant 2015, Moskal 2015, Moskal and Smith 2016), the limits of Impoverishment have not been explored to such an extent. The present squib offers to amend this, by proposing that Squibs and Discussion

中文翻译:

严格的局部贫困:干预效应

根据Harley(2008)和Nevins(2011)的研究,表现出系统性形态合一性的语言必须包含一个规则,该规则可以将合一性推导为语法的“深层”特性。这些作者表明,在分布式形态学(DM; Halle and Marantz 1993)中,相关规则是贫困(Bonet 1991,Noyer 1992,Halle and Marantz 1994),作为上下文敏感操作,该上下文删除了特征F。离开 。在讨论卢布尔雅那斯洛文尼亚语时,内文斯(Nevins,2011)提出在女性性别的背景下,双数对比的贫困。但是,涅文斯的论据仅基于孤立的相关形态学范式,并且仅基于其主格格形式。这个问题提供了更多的经验背景:即卢布尔雅那斯洛文尼亚语的整个形态范式,以及相关融合法与协议模式的相互作用。虽然协议模式证实了贫困的后句法性质,但是完整的形态学范式表明,贫困在某些情况下被系统地阻止了:虽然贫困在屈曲形态的背景下适用,但在凝集形态的背景下却没有。如果贫困仅限于将严格的局部X视为上下文,即c指令域中可用的最接近的X,则可以将这种阻止模式捕获为干预效果。虽然某些PF现象(如同种异体现象)的局部性约束已成为很多讨论的主题(Embick 2010,Bobaljik 2012,Merchant 2015,Moskal 2015,Moskal和Smith 2016),但对于这种贫困的局限性尚未探索程度。
更新日期:2020-03-01
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