This article presents an apparent locality condition violation observed in Standard Breton masculine human plurals ending in -où. It proposes a unique impoverishment rule deleting a syntacticosemantic feature conditioned by a specified phonological exponent. Adopting a specific architectural view of lenition, it forces a rethinking of the precise timing of various postsyntactic processes, including certain types of impoverishment rules as well as Agree-Copy in dissociated Agr nodes. It also lends support to the independent claims that syntacticosemantic features are not overridden during Spell-Out and that Vocabulary Insertion applies to a linearized structure, not a hierarchical one.

本文介绍了在以-où结尾的标准布列塔尼男性人类复数形式中观察到的明显局部性条件违规。它提出了一个独特的贫化规则，删除由指定的语音指数条件的句法语义特征。采用 lenition 的特定架构视图，它迫使人们重新思考各种后句法过程的精确时间安排，包括某些类型的贫困规则以及分离的 Agr 节点中的同意复制。它还支持独立声明，即在拼写期间不会覆盖句法语义特征，并且词汇插入适用于线性化结构，而不是分层结构。