This paper aims to describe subject-verb agreement patterns within Polish co and który relative clauses in which the relativized subject head noun (virile and nonvirile) modified by a higher numeral is assigned genitive case. Such subjects in Polish obligatorily induce default 3sg. neut. agreement on the main-clause verbal predicate. However, when the same subject is relativized while also being the relative-clause subject, various agreement options may occur depending on the type of relative marker as well as the grammatical gender of the head noun. In order to examine these agreement possibilities, a survey was conducted measuring Polish native speakers’ acceptability judgments. These patterns suggest that both co and który relatives could be derived via a matching analysis because they both allow optionality of agreement in certain environments. Furthermore, this optionality can be accounted for in terms of Case attraction and syncretism of case found in the paradigms of higher numerals and the relative pronoun który.

中文翻译：

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以数字化名词为首的波兰语 co 和 który 关系从句中的大小写匹配协议*

本文旨在描述波兰语 co 和 który 关系从句中的主谓一致模式，其中由较高数字修饰的相对化主语名词（virile 和 nonvirile）被分配给属格。波兰语中的此类科目强制导致默认 3sg。中性。对主句动词谓词的一致。然而，当同一主语既是关系从句主语又被相对化时，根据关系标记的类型以及中心名词的语法性别，可能会出现各种一致选项。为了检查这些协议的可能性，进行了一项调查，以衡量波兰语母语者的可接受性判断。这些模式表明 co 和 który 亲属都可以通过匹配分析得出，因为它们都允许在某些环境中选择协议。