Over the last generation, historians have begun to explain Christianity's impact on developing ideas of race and slavery in the early modern Atlantic. Jon Sensbach's A Separate Canaan: The Making of an Afro-Moravian World in North Carolina, 1763–1840 showed how Moravians struggled with both race and slavery, ultimately concluding that Moravians adopted the racist attitudes of their non-Pietist North Carolina neighbors. Travis Glasson's Mastering Christianity: Missionary Anglicanism and Slavery in the Atlantic World showed how the Anglican church accustomed itself to slavery in New York and the Caribbean. Richard Bailey's Race and Redemption in Puritan New England unraveled changing puritan ideas about race and belonging in New England. My own book, The Baptism of Early Virginia: How Christianity Created Race, argued that Protestant ideas about heathenism and conversion were instrumental to how English Virginians thought about the bodies and souls of enslaved Africans and Native people, and to how they developed a nascent idea of race in seventeenth-century Virginia. Heather Kopelson's Faithful Bodies: Performing Religion and Race in the Puritan Atlantic traced puritan ideas about race, the soul, and the body in New England and Bermuda. From a different angle, Christopher Cameron's To Plead Our Own Cause: African Americans in Massachusetts and the Making of the Antislavery Movement outlined the influence of puritan theologies on black abolitionism. Engaging all this scholarly ferment is Katharine Gerbner's new book, Christian Slavery: Conversion and Race in the Protestant Atlantic World. Gerbner's work both synthesizes and transforms this extended scholarly conversation with a broad and inclusive look at Protestants—broadly defined as Anglicans, Moravians, Quakers, Huguenots, and others—and race in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries over a geography stretching from New York to the Caribbean. The book is synthetic in that it builds on the regional and confessionally specific work of earlier scholars, but innovative in its argument that Protestants from a variety of European backgrounds and sometimes conflicting theologies all wrestled with questions of Christian conversion of enslaved peoples—could it be done? Should it be done? And, of overarching concern: how could Protestant Christians in good conscience hold fellow African and Native Christians as slaves?

中文翻译：

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从新教至上到基督教至上

在过去的一代中，历史学家已经开始解释基督教对现代早期大西洋种族和奴隶制思想发展的影响。乔恩·森斯巴赫一个单独的迦南：1763-1840 年在北卡罗来纳州的非洲摩拉维亚世界的形成展示了摩拉维亚人如何与种族和奴隶制斗争，最终得出结论，摩拉维亚人接受了北卡罗来纳州非虔诚主义者邻居的种族主义态度。特拉维斯·格拉森掌握基督教：大西洋世界的传教圣公会和奴隶制展示了英国国教教会如何习惯于纽约和加勒比地区的奴隶制。理查德·贝利新英格兰清教徒的种族与救赎揭示了新英格兰关于种族和归属感的不断变化的清教徒观念。我自己的书，早期弗吉尼亚的洗礼：基督教如何创造种族，认为新教关于异教和皈依的思想有助于英国弗吉尼亚人如何看待被奴役的非洲人和土著人的身体和灵魂，以及他们如何在 17 世纪弗吉尼亚发展出一种新生的种族观念。希瑟·科佩尔森忠实的身体：在清教徒大西洋执行宗教和种族追溯了新英格兰和百慕大关于种族、灵魂和身体的清教徒观念。从另一个角度来看，克里斯托弗·卡梅隆的为我们自己的事业辩护：马萨诸塞州的非裔美国人和反奴隶制运动的形成概述了清教神学对黑人废奴主义的影响。凯瑟琳·格布纳（Katharine Gerbner）的新书引起了所有这些学术骚动，基督教奴隶制：新教大西洋世界的皈依与种族. 格布纳的作品综合并转变了这种扩展的学术对话，对新教徒（广义上定义为英国国教、摩拉维亚人、贵格会、胡格诺派等）以及 17 和 18 世纪从纽约到纽约的种族进行了广泛而包容的观察。加勒比海。这本书是综合性的，因为它建立在早期学者的区域性和忏悔特定的工作之上，但它的论点是创新的，即来自不同欧洲背景的新教徒和有时相互冲突的神学都在与被奴役人民的基督教皈依问题搏斗——这可能是完毕？应该这样做吗？并且，最重要的问题是：良心的新教基督徒怎么能把非洲和土著基督徒同胞当作奴隶？