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The ‘lessons’ of 1917
Revolutionary Russia Pub Date : 2017-01-02 , DOI: 10.1080/09546545.2017.1323380
Matthew Rendle , Aaron Benyamin Retish

So far this year, the response to the centenary of 1917 in Russia has been underwhelming. Faced with an event that does not fit neatly into the positive, patriotic and unifying version of Russian history promoted in recent years, and fearing that commemorating a revolution might encourage the opposition movement, President Vladimir Putin and his government have done relatively little to mark one of the greatest events of the twentieth century. To be sure, the Russian Revolution has long been about October rather than February in Russia’s popular memory and more may be to come, especially as Putin has stated repeatedly that 1917 is too significant to ignore. Yet it was only in December 2016 that a commission to oversee the commemoration of 1917 was established under the auspices of the patriotic Russian Historical Society. Composed mainly of state officials, leading cultural figures and representatives of the media, with very few professional historians, it held its first meeting only in late January 2017. This meeting produced a list of exhibitions, conferences, media events and ‘educational projects,’most of which had already been organised by other groups, but there is little that resembles the resources and effort that went into commemorating the bicentenary of Napoleon’s invasion of Russia in 2012 – an event that fits neatly into the official narrative of Russian history. Even the 2014 commemoration of the centenary of the outbreak of the First World War, a war that Russia eventually lost, enjoyed greater official memorialisation; it included a new monument at Moscow’s Poklonnaia Gora to the heroes of the Russian army unveiled by Putin himself who emphasised the importance of patriotism and properly recognising soldiers. The committee did, however, provide a strong indication of the ‘official’ line on 1917. Various speakers talked of the ‘lessons’ that needed to be learned from 1917 and, when later asked to summarise these lessons, one member responded bluntly that revolution was not the best means of resolving social conflict as it leads only to violence and death. This same ‘lesson’ came through during the ‘official’ events that did occur around the centenary of the February Revolution. On its eve, a conference organised by the committee in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow – a symbolic location but not for historical reasons – the Minister of Culture, Vladimir Medinskii, stressed the national ‘tragedy’ of a revolution that failed to solve Russia’s problems. An exhibition in the same cathedral was dedicated to the ‘victims’ of the revolution. Finally, Patriarch Kirill prayed for the victims on the anniversary of Nicholas’s abdication and later blamed the intelligentsia for the revolution, with the implicit message that political upheaval was fostered by those who failed to place the concerns of ordinary Russians to the fore. Notwithstanding the historical inaccuracy of some of this, these ‘lessons’ clearly echoed Putin’s call from his presidential address in December 2016 to learn from history’s lessons to foster reconciliation and unity in Russia.

中文翻译:

1917 年的“教训”

今年到目前为止,俄罗斯对 1917 年百年纪念的反应平淡无奇。面对与近年来提倡的积极、爱国和统一的俄罗斯历史版本格格不入的事件,并担心纪念革命可能会鼓励反对派运动,弗拉基米尔·普京总统及其政府几乎没有采取任何措施来纪念这一事件。二十世纪最伟大的事件。可以肯定的是,在俄罗斯大众的记忆中,俄罗斯革命早已发生在十月而不是二月,而且可能还会有更多,尤其是普京一再表示 1917 年意义重大而不容忽视。然而,直到 2016 年 12 月,在爱国的俄罗斯历史学会的支持下,才成立了一个监督 1917 年纪念活动的委员会。它主要由国家官员、文化领军人物和媒体代表组成,专业历史学家很少,仅在 2017 年 1 月下旬举行了第一次会议。 这次会议产生了一系列展览、会议、媒体活动和“教育项目”,其中大部分活动已经由其他团体组织,但几乎没有什么能与 2012 年纪念拿破仑入侵俄罗斯 200 周年所投入的资源和努力相提并论——这一事件完全符合俄罗斯历史的官方叙述。即使是 2014 年纪念第一次世界大战爆发一百周年,俄罗斯最终输掉了这场战争,也获得了更多的官方纪念;它包括在莫斯科波克隆纳亚戈拉 (Poklonnaia Gora) 的一座新纪念碑,以纪念普京本人揭幕的俄罗斯军队英雄,他强调了爱国主义和正确认识士兵的重要性。然而,委员会确实提供了对 1917 年“官方”路线的强烈暗示。多位发言者谈到了需要从 1917 年吸取的“教训”,当后来被要求总结这些教训时,一位成员直言不讳地回答说革命不是解决社会冲突的最佳手段,因为它只会导致暴力和死亡。在二月革命一百周年前后确实发生的“官方”事件中,也出现了同样的“教训”。前夕,委员会在莫斯科基督救世主大教堂组织了一次会议——一个象征性的地点,但不是出于历史原因——文化部长,弗拉基米尔·梅丁斯基 (Vladimir Medinskii) 强调了一场未能解决俄罗斯问题的革命的国家“悲剧”。在同一座大教堂举办了一场展览,献给革命的“受害者”。最后,牧首基里尔在尼古拉斯退位周年纪念日为遇难者祈祷,后来将革命归咎于知识分子,隐含的信息是那些未能将普通俄罗斯人的担忧置于首位的人助长了政治动荡。尽管其中一些在历史上不准确,但这些“教训”清楚地呼应了普京在 2016 年 12 月总统演讲中的呼吁,即从历史教训中吸取教训,促进俄罗斯的和解与团结。在同一座大教堂举办了一场展览,献给革命的“受害者”。最后,牧首基里尔在尼古拉斯退位周年纪念日为遇难者祈祷,后来将革命归咎于知识分子,隐含的信息是那些未能将普通俄罗斯人的担忧置于首位的人助长了政治动荡。尽管其中一些在历史上不准确,但这些“教训”清楚地呼应了普京在 2016 年 12 月总统演讲中的呼吁,即从历史教训中吸取教训,促进俄罗斯的和解与团结。在同一座大教堂举办了一场展览,献给革命的“受害者”。最后,基里尔牧首在尼古拉斯退位周年纪念日为遇难者祈祷,后来将革命归咎于知识分子,隐含的信息是,那些未能将普通俄罗斯人的担忧置于首位的人助长了政治动荡。尽管其中一些在历史上不准确,但这些“教训”清楚地呼应了普京在 2016 年 12 月总统演讲中的呼吁,即从历史教训中吸取教训,促进俄罗斯的和解与团结。隐含的信息是,那些未能将普通俄罗斯人的担忧放在首位的人助长了政治动荡。尽管其中一些在历史上不准确,但这些“教训”清楚地呼应了普京在 2016 年 12 月总统演讲中的呼吁,即从历史教训中吸取教训,促进俄罗斯的和解与团结。隐含的信息是,那些未能将普通俄罗斯人的担忧放在首位的人助长了政治动荡。尽管其中一些在历史上不准确,但这些“教训”清楚地呼应了普京在 2016 年 12 月总统演讲中的呼吁,即从历史教训中吸取教训,促进俄罗斯的和解与团结。
更新日期:2017-01-02
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