The path-breaking scholarship on Onitsha Market Literature (see Barber 1987, Beier, Dodson, Newell and Okome, Nwoga, and Obiechina) has laid substantial ground for discussions about street literatures in African urban contexts. The distinct locatedness of the term Onitsha Market Literature indicates the need to base any interpretation of this literature in the context in which it was produced, distributed, and consumed. When it comes to the concept that we call African Street Literatures, this relationship of equivalence is not quite so clear. Drawing on the work of the above scholars and others like them who have developed a significant body of scholarship on the popular arts in African contexts, the notion of African Street Literature also insists on locating methodologies for interpreting texts in the contexts of their material, ideological and aesthetic production. But, unlike the scholarship cited above, African Street Literature does not understand the street only as a literal location. Rather, the concept of Street Literature is theorized as a mode of reading literary form as an imprint of the structures of everyday life in the contexts out of which texts emerge (Harris and Hållén). That might sound remarkably similar to locating an interpretation of the text in its context, but there are differences: in our conception of African Street Literature, we are more interested in the ways that uneven and unequal systems of global literary production impact the literary form of texts emerging in the peripheries of socalled world literature. As such, it is literary form that primarily concerns us. Furthermore, drawing on Ato Quayson’s methodological intervention in Oxford Street: Accra: City Life and the Itineraries of Transnationalism, the street here intersects both scales of the global market economy and the lived level of the street. African Street Literature is a formal concern, first and foremost, because after the World Bank and International Monetary Fund structural adjustment programmes of the 1980s, the African publishing industry suffered, as Walter Bgoya and Mary Jay put it, ‘disastrous economic collapses’ (Bgoya and Jay, 20). This has not necessarily led to a dearth of literary production and consumption across the continent, but it has required African literary producers to find alternative avenues of publication. As such, following in the traditions of pamphlet and market literature, there has been a marked shift across the continent to modes of literary production other than the published book. I have argued elsewhere that the published book is not a sustainable form for the African literary future (Harris forthcoming). For our purposes here, the important point is that the pressures and structures of everyday life on the level of the street inform and are

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简介：非洲街头文学与全球出版放缓

Onitsha 市场文学的开创性奖学金（见 Barber 1987，Beier、Dodson、Newell 和 Okome、Nwoga 和 Obiechina）为讨论非洲城市背景下的街头文学奠定了坚实的基础。Onitsha 市场文献这一术语的独特定位表明，需要将对该文献的任何解释都建立在其生产、分发和消费的背景下。当谈到我们称之为非洲街头文学的概念时，这种对等关系就不是那么清楚了。借鉴上述学者和其他类似的人的工作，他们在非洲语境中开发了大量关于流行艺术的学术机构，非洲街头文学的概念也坚持在其材料的语境中定位解释文本的方法，思想审美生产。但是，与上面引用的奖学金不同，非洲街头文学并不仅仅将街道理解为一个字面上的位置。相反，街头文学的概念被理论化为一种阅读文学形式的模式，作为日常生活结构的印记，在文本出现的背景下（哈里斯和哈伦）。这听起来可能与在其上下文中定位对文本的解释非常相似，但存在差异：在我们对非洲街头文学的概念中，我们更感兴趣的是全球文学生产的不平衡和不平等系统如何影响文学形式在所谓的世界文学的外围出现的文本。因此，我们主要关注的是文学形式。此外，借鉴 Ato Quayson 在牛津街：阿克拉：城市生活和跨国主义路线中的方法论干预，这里的街道与全球市场经济的规模和街道的生活水平相交。非洲街头文学首先是一个正式的关注点，因为在 1980 年代世界银行和国际货币基金组织的结构调整计划之后，正如沃尔特·布戈亚和玛丽·杰所说，非洲出版业遭受了“灾难性的经济崩溃”（Bgoya和杰，20）。这并不一定导致整个非洲大陆缺乏文学创作和消费，但它要求非洲文学制作人寻找替代的出版渠道。因此，遵循小册子和市场文献的传统，整个非洲大陆都发生了明显的转变，转向了出版书籍以外的文学创作方式。我曾在别处争辩说，出版的书不是非洲文学未来的可持续形式（哈里斯即将出版）。就我们在​​这里的目的而言，重要的一点是街道层面的日常生活压力和结构告知并