participated in the king’s efforts to manipulate local electorates in order to secure a tolerationist Parliament, an effort that was seen at the time as a threat to free elections in England. Despite these potential black marks, Murphy sketches a largely sympathetic portrait of the founder of Pennsylvania. If Penn was born with advantages, he also capitalized upon them. Throughout his life he displayed a restless energy that drew others to him. He also wrote prodigiously: his pamphlets in defense of religious liberty numbered in the dozens. He demonstrated genuine courage in converting to Quakerism at twenty-two years of age, defying his Anglican father in the process, and was thereafter subjected to several spells in prison for his faith. He became a leader of the Quaker movement and leveraged that leadership, as well as his father’s connections, into access to the corridors of power at Westminster. It was largely due to the friendships he formed in those corridors, and especially with the duke of York (the future James II), that he gained from the duke’s elder brother, Charles II, the royal grant to the colony that bears his name. (As Murphy notes, Penn would have preferred to call the colony New Wales, not desiring the colony to be called by a name that would bring glory to himself – and in an unquakerly manner. Nevertheless, the name Pennsylvania, after being proposed by one of the king’s officers, proved more to Charles’ liking, and it stuck.) After the duke of York ascended to the English throne in 1685, Penn joined a cross-denominational alliance of nonconformists and Catholics who pressed for religious toleration. When James was overthrown in the Revolution of 1688–1689, Penn remained loyal to his patron and suffered as a result, even losing control of his colony for several years. Through it all, Murphy argues, Penn never lost sight of his overriding goal of promoting liberty of conscience, even if sometimes “he was less concerned with the mechanisms by which that goal was achieved” (177). It is to the author’s credit that this book faces these complications head on, unlike some previous biographies of Penn that attempted to explain away the Quaker’s inconvenient alliance with an imperious monarch who was known for overriding parliamentary acts. The result is a sharp and penetrating dissection of a sometimes turbulent, but also a perennially interesting, life.

中文翻译：

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法国与美国内战：外交史

参与国王操纵当地选民的努力，以确保建立一个宽容议会，这在当时被视为对英格兰自由选举的威胁。尽管有这些潜在的污点，墨菲还是描绘了宾夕法尼亚州创始人的大部分同情肖像。如果Penn天生就有优势，那么他也可以利用它们。在他的一生中，他表现出了不停的精力，吸引了其他人。他的著作也很出色：他捍卫宗教自由的小册子有几十本。在22岁那年，他表现出了真正的勇气，转变为贵格会派，在此过程中无视他的英国国教父亲，此后因信仰而遭受数次监禁。他成为贵格会运动的领导者，并利用这种领导力以及他父亲的关系，进入威斯敏斯特的权力走廊。他从公爵的哥哥查尔斯二世（Charles II）那里获得了以他的名字命名的皇家赠予，这在很大程度上是由于他在这些走廊中形成的友谊，尤其是与约克公爵（未来的詹姆斯二世）之间的友谊。（正如墨菲指出的那样，佩恩宁愿称其为新威尔士殖民地，而不是希望该殖民地以一种会给自己带来荣耀的名字来称呼，而且要保持古怪的态度。尽管如此，宾夕法尼亚州这个名字是由一个人提出来的。约克公爵于1685年登上英国王位后，佩恩加入了跨教派的信徒和天主教徒联盟，他们敦促宗教宽容。当詹姆斯在1688-1689年的革命中被推翻时，佩恩仍然忠于他的赞助人，因此遭受了痛苦，甚至失去了对自己殖民地的控制长达数年。墨菲认为，纵观这一切，佩恩从未忘记他促进良心自由的首要目标，即使有时“他不太关心实现这一目标的机制”（177）。值得称赞的是，这本书直面这些复杂性，不像宾夕法尼亚州以前的一些传记试图解释贵格会与一位以推翻议会行为而闻名的君主的不便同盟。结果是对有时动荡但又常年有趣的生活进行了锐利而透彻的剖析。佩恩从未忘记他促进良心自由的首要目标，即使有时“他不太关心实现这一目标的机制”（177）。值得称赞的是，这本书直面这些复杂性，不像宾夕法尼亚州以前的一些传记试图解释贵格会与一位以推翻议会行为而闻名的君主的不便同盟。结果是对有时动荡但又常年有趣的生活进行了锐利而透彻的剖析。佩恩从未忘记他促进良心自由的首要目标，即使有时“他不太关心实现这一目标的机制”（177）。值得称赞的是，这本书直面这些复杂性，不像宾夕法尼亚州以前的一些传记试图解释贵格会与一位以推翻议会行为而闻名的君主的不便同盟。结果是对有时充满动荡但又常年有趣的生活进行了锐利而透彻的剖析。不像佩恩以前的一些传记，后者试图与贵族君主以解释议会行为而著称，以解释贵格会的不便联盟。结果是对有时动荡但又常年有趣的生活进行了锐利而透彻的剖析。不像佩恩以前的一些传记，后者试图与贵族君主以解释议会行为而著称，以解释贵格会的不便联盟。结果是对有时动荡但又常年有趣的生活进行了锐利而透彻的剖析。