create, modify, or amplify campaigns begun by governmental agencies such as the Office of War Information. As such, it could go further in its PR campaigns than the Roosevelt or Truman administration would have felt comfortable doing. The board reminds one of the modern claims regarding the Deep State or Trilateral Commission, silently spinning webs of intrigue. One difference is that the Writers’ War Board members were no Koch Brothers. The causes they supported were considered liberal, and many were controversial then but mainstream today. For example, the board flooded the nation—papers, books, plays, USO pamphlets—with materials arguing scientifically that all humans are the same under the skin. Shocking. There was pushback, much of it from conservative Republicans and Southern Democrats. The board was most proud of its racial acceptance program, but an objective observer would have to say in retrospect that it barely moved the needle. It pushed for creation of the United Nations but felt disappointed when the one-world government it had envisioned lacked any teeth. Another campaign, to support the so-called “Morganthau Plan” to reduce postwar Germany to one big orchard/farm, fizzled when Americans proved forgiving of ordinary Germans. Soldiers of the Pen is based primarily on scores of boxes of documents at the Rex Stout Papers at Boston College and at the Library of Congress, previously overlooked because the board was not a “government agency” likely to attract historians’ attention. It packs a lot into 253 pages of text, not counting notes, and one gets the impression that the book could have easily been twice as long if it delved deeper into many campaigns that, as noted above, deserve the full attention of case studies. If there is one criticism, it is that the book details so many cases, one after another, that the experience is like looking out the window of a fast-moving train. Was that Baltimore? Oh, this must be D.C. But this should not deter a historian of propaganda or public relations from picking it up and seeing, for the first time, the strings of the puppeteers.

中文翻译：

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臭名昭著的本·赫希特（Ben Hecht）：破译作家和好战的犹太复国主义者

创建，修改或扩大由政府机构（例如战争情报办公室）发起的战役。这样一来，它在公关活动中的步伐可能会比罗斯福或杜鲁门政府所能做的要舒适得多。董事会想起了有关深州或三边委员会的现代主张之一，它悄悄地勾勒出阴谋诡计。一个区别是作家战争委员会的成员不是科赫兄弟。他们支持的事业被认为是自由的，当时有许多争议，但如今已成为主流。例如，委员会用科学证明所有人类在皮肤下都是一样的材料淹没了全国，包括纸张，书籍，戏剧，USO小册子。令人震惊 出现了退缩，其中大部分来自保守派共和党人和南方民主党。董事会为自己的种族接纳计划感到最为自豪，但客观的观察者不得不回想起来，它几乎没有动过针头。它推动创建联合国，但是当它设想的一世界政府缺乏牙齿时感到失望。当美国人证明对普通德国人的宽容时，另一项旨在支持将战后德国减少到一个大果园/农场的“摩根索计划”的运动告吹。笔的士兵主要基于波士顿学院雷克斯·斯托特论文和国会图书馆的数十盒文件，这些文件以前曾被忽视，因为委员会不是可能引起历史学家注意的“政府机构”。它将大量内容打包成253页文字，不包括笔记，并且给人的印象是，如果本书深入研究了许多值得案例研究充分关注的活动，那么本书的长度很可能是原来的两倍。如果有一种批评的话，那就是这本书一遍又一遍地详细叙述了许多案例，这种经历就像是看着一辆快车上的窗外。是巴尔的摩吗？哦，这一定是DC。但这不会阻止宣传或公共关系的历史学家接手并第一次看到伪善者的弦。