ABSTRACT

Transnational city networks (TCNs) bring together the characteristics of both supranationalisation and subnationalisation processes. In the context of an increased securitisation and criminalisation of borders, several networks have become more vocal – particularly with the advent of the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ – advocating for inclusive changes in terms of immigration, integration, human rights protection and refugee resettlement. How do French cities position themselves in this context of increased transnational activism? In comparing the cases of Lyon, Nantes and Strasbourg and their respective involvement in TCNs over the last fifteen years, our findings indicate that instead of becoming increasingly active, French cities within European networks have developed three distinct processes of disinvolvement, which we identify according to their ‘neglectful,’ ‘testing,’ and ‘competing’ characteristics. We highlight the fact that, in some cases, the activities undertaken by municipal or metropolitan governments in city networks do not automatically lead to transnational ‘activism.’ They may instead be understood as forms of ‘passivism.’ Moreover, contrary to passivity, ‘passivism’ in these cases does not equal an absence of decision-making, leadership or responsiveness, nor does it refer to inertia or a distinctive approach towards refugees and asylum seekers (whether it be welcoming or exclusionary). Rather, ‘passivism’ refers to the agency of local actors in policy-making within a specific institutional context. Focusing on passivism highlights (i) the necessity to disentangle networks’ robustness from its membership, since networks might be robust despite the presence of disengaged members. It also underlines (ii) the effects of the politicisation of migration as illustrated by a change in agenda towards humanitarian issues and by the increased involvement of elected city officials, notably deputy mayors. Finally (iii), it stresses the lack of collaboration with civil society actors in the context of a greater visibility and activism of the French national state regarding the integration of newcomers.

摘要

跨国城市网络 (TCN) 汇集了超国家化和次国家化过程的特征。在边界安全化和刑事犯罪化加剧的背景下，一些网络变得更加直言不讳——尤其是随着所谓的“难民危机”的出现——倡导在移民、融合、人权保护和难民重新安置方面进行包容性变革. 法国城市如何在跨国行动主义增加的背景下定位自己？在比较里昂、南特和斯特拉斯堡的案例以及它们在过去 15 年中各自参与 TCN 的情况时，我们的研究结果表明，欧洲网络中的法国城市并没有变得越来越活跃，而是发展了三种不同的退出过程，我们根据他们的“疏忽”、“测试”和“竞争”特征来识别它们。我们强调这样一个事实，即在某些情况下，市政府或大都市政府在城市网络中开展的活动不会自动导致跨国“激进主义”。相反，它们可能被理解为“被动主义”的形式。此外，与被动相反，这些情况下的“被动”并不等于缺乏决策、领导或响应能力，也不是指惰性或对难民和寻求庇护者采取独特的态度（无论是欢迎还是排斥）。相反，“被动主义”指的是 市政府或大都市政府在城市网络中开展的活动不会自动导致跨国“行动主义”。相反，它们可能被理解为“被动主义”的形式。此外，与被动相反，这些情况下的“被动”并不等于缺乏决策、领导或响应能力，也不是指惰性或对难民和寻求庇护者采取独特的态度（无论是欢迎还是排斥）。相反，“被动主义”指的是 市政府或大都市政府在城市网络中开展的活动不会自动导致跨国“行动主义”。相反，它们可能被理解为“被动主义”的形式。此外，与被动相反，这些情况下的“被动”并不等于缺乏决策、领导或响应能力，也不是指惰性或对难民和寻求庇护者采取独特的态度（无论是欢迎还是排斥）。相反，“被动主义”指的是当地行为者在特定制度背景下参与决策的机构。关注被动主义强调 (i) 有必要将网络的稳健性与其成员分开，因为尽管存在脱离成员，网络也可能是稳健的。它还强调了 (ii) 移民政治化的影响，这体现在议程转向人道主义问题以及民选城市官员（尤其是副市长）的参与增加。最后 (iii)，它强调在法国民族国家在新移民融合方面的知名度和积极性更高的背景下缺乏与民间社会行为者的合作。