The Quyllurit’i shrine, located at the bottom of a glacier seventy kilometers from the city of Cuzco, is the focus of the biggest pilgrimage of the Peruvian Andes. This article analyzes a protest organized by the Consejo de Naciones Peregrinas del Señor de Qoyllurit’i (Council of Pilgrim Nations of Lord Quyllurit’i) in the city of Cuzco, which called for the cancellation of the mining concessions near the shrine. While these dancer-pilgrims do not claim to be indigenous, their protest’s performances were strongly loaded with indexes of indigeneity when framed through the regional racialethnic ideologies. The protest obtained the regional authorities’ support by performing The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, Vol. 25, No. 1, pp. 7–27. ISSN 1935-4932, online ISSN 1935-4940. C © 2020 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/jlca.12462 Indexicality and the Indigenization of Politics 7 obvious but implicit indigeneity that also entailed challenges to the hegemonic politics that excludes nonhumans. The article highlights how multiple forms of indigeneity, primarily emerging through indexicality, can notoriously intervene in politics; yet also how, paradoxically, the Consejo de Naciones’ political influence depends upon its abstention from active involvement in formal politics. [cosmopolitics, indexical order, indigeneity, performance, protest against mining] This article analyzes an ongoing process of indigenization of politics in the region of Cuzco, paying attention to a mobilization of the Consejo de Naciones Peregrinas del Señor de Qoyllurit’i (Council of Pilgrim Nations of Lord Quyllurit’i; from now on Consejo de Naciones, Council of Nations) calling for the cancellation of mining concessions near the Quyllurit’i shrine. The Consejo de Naciones is the leading body of all dancers that go on pilgrimage to this shrine. The indigenous movements in the Peruvian Andes have been less broadly articulated than those in Ecuador, Bolivia, or the Peruvian Amazon (Pajuelo 2006; Garcı́a and Lucero 2004), but ethnic identification associated with contexts of social protest, especially in relation to the extractive industries, is becoming ever-more marked. This was clear in the self-identification of one sector of the population as Aymara during protests against mining in Puno in 2011 (McDonell 2015). However, explicit indigenous identification remains rather scarce in the Southern Peruvian Andes compared with the large proportion of the population that speaks an indigenous language or cultivates practices that locally emerge as markers of indigeneity. Following Marisol de la Cadena and Orin Starn (2007, 4), I understand indigeneity as “emerg[ing] only within larger social fields of difference and sameness; it acquires its ‘positive’ meaning not from some essential properties of its own, but through its relation to what it is not, to what it exceeds or lacks.” What is indigenous and what it is not is mutually and dialogically constructed depending on a broader sociopolitical context (Huarcaya 2015; Mannheim and Tedlock 1995). This makes indigeneity an always evolving category in tension with the colonial past that is engaged from contemporary contexts that include the state, global networks of indigenous organizations, NGOs, and multilateral agencies (Canessa 2007; Hodgson 2011; Postero 2007). Many studies of indigenization involve groups that are explicitly looking for recognition as indigenous peoples from the state, NGOs, multilateral organizations, and other indigenous peoples as part of their struggles to obtain rights and justice (e.g., Canessa 2007; Hodgson 2011; Jackson 1994). These are processes of claiming what I call explicit indigeneity. The case that I am presenting here does not conform to this pattern, as it is the case of many forms 8 J o u r n a l o f L a t i n A m e r i c a n a n d C a r i b b e a n A n t h r o p o l o g y of indigenous mobilization in the Peruvian highlands: from local communities’ mobilizations (Garcı́a 2005, 167) to those of broader scope (Starn 1999), many of them do not explicitly claim to be indı́genas. Andrew Canessa’s (2007, 195) analysis of “an Aymara-speaking community where people were recorded [in the 2001 Bolivian census] as indigenous and ‘ethnolinguistic markers’ abound, yet do not self-identify as such” is a good example of this form of indigeneity. A similar situation characterizes the regional society of Cuzco, as shown by de la Cadena (2000) or the current case of Chinchero’s community members explicitly rejecting being indı́genas (Garcia 2018). As the 2011 protests of Puno show, there are contexts and organizations that explicitly claim indigeneity in the Peruvian Andes, but this is not a dominant pattern (see Rousseau and Morales 2017). The Consejo de Naciones is not looking for recognition as an indigenous organization. However, the practices of the dancer-pilgrims that the Consejo lead, which certainly include references to Catholic signs, are mediated by Quechua language and widely recognized in the region as having emerged from Quechuaspeaking rural communities. Furthermore, as Deborah Poole (1990) has shown, the choreographic structure of these dances carry and reproduce indigenous notions and values that are clearly distinct from those present in comparable European devotional dances. Thus, the performances of these practices carry signs of what I am calling implicit indigeneity. Obviously, this is a category of analysis applied by the researcher rather than by the dancer-pilgrims themselves. Notwithstanding the absence of explicit indigeneity in its practices, the recent emergence of the Consejo de Naciones and the political capacity that is accruing—as expressed in the protest—illustrates a broader process of implicit indigenization of politics taking place in the region. This process is due to the confluence of two others: The first is the democratization of regional society whose antecedents are the increasing migration and mobility between rural and urban areas since the mid-twentieth century, the 1969 Agrarian Reform, the 1979 Constitution that installed the universal vote, and a relatively sustained economic growth taking place this century. This process can be appreciated in the increasing number of Quechua speakers of rural origins who are elected as political authorities. This process was fundamental for the indigenization of the Brotherhood of Lord Quyllurit’i and the emergence of the Consejo de Naciones. The second is the global emergence of indigeneity and its international instruments, such as the ILO C169, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and, less directly, the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (Graham and Penny 2014; Niezen 2003). While the two first instruments were not directly related to the mobilization of the Consejo de Naciones, the inclusion of the Quyllurit’i pilgrimage in 2011 on the List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (UNESCO 2011) was reiteratively mentioned. Indexicality and the Indigenization of Politics 9 The analysis of this protest involves paying attention to how performance relates to different forms of indigeneity. I understand performances as practices clearly framed and set off from quotidian life constituting dramatizations that enable participants to understand, criticize, and change the worlds in which they live, thus having a reflexive quality (Guss 2000, 9). Performances are always emerging, elaborated over past performances, but open to creativity and new interpretations. Performances, due to the presuppositions present in their poetic structures enacted within larger sociopolitical contexts (Mannheim 1998), reproduce implicit indigeneity. Some of these presuppositions are ontological (Salas Carreño 2016). This is the case, for example, of all forms of verbal art in indigenous languages or the dance performances that take place in the pilgrimage (Mannheim 2016; Poole 1990). However, performance is also central in the emergence of explicit indigeneity. The dialogic and shifting quality of explicit indigeneity as well as “the ambiguities and contradictions inherent in Indigenous identity make performance and performativity especially important. . . . Performance is a powerful means of expressing, asserting, and also constituting Indigenous identity” (Graham and Penny 2014, 8). Due to the potential creative capacity of performance, “Judith Butler argues that much of what we see as political activism is in fact performative” (Postero 2017, 18). “When bodies assemble on the street, in the square, or in other forms of public space . . . they are exercising a plural and performative right to appear” (Butler 2015, 11; cited by Postero 2017, 18). Sergio Miguel Huarcaya (2015), analyzing the Ecuadorian indigenous activism and building on Butler’s (1990) notion of performativity, shows how the racial-ethnic hierarchies that have been historically constituted through iterative everyday acts are challenged through performances in protests. The indigenous rituals, music, and dance within protests, analyzed by Huarcaya (2015), are part of a broader process of indigenization of protests in Latin America (Brysk 2000; Warren and Jackson 2002). Some Peircean categories are useful for explaining the ways in which indigeneity emerges in dance and other performances in this protest. For Charles Peirce (1955), symbols are signs that relate to their objects through conventions and indexes are signs that relate to their objects through spatiotemporal contiguity. Words are symbols insofar they are related to their objects—their referential meaning—by convention. Words also can be indexes in relation to the pragmatic context where they are used. The language, intonation, or accent gives information—indexical meaning—about the speaker or the audience. Indexicality depends on the pragmatic context where a semioti

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合法性与政治本土化：舞者-朝圣者抗议安第斯山脉的采矿权

Quyllurit'i神社位于离库斯科（Cuzco）市70公里的冰川底部，是秘鲁安第斯山脉最大的朝圣之旅的焦点。本文分析了库斯科（Cuzco）市Nasénesde Peregrinas delSeñorde Qoyllurit'i朝圣者联盟组织的一次抗议活动，该活动要求取消该神社附近的采矿权。虽然这些朝圣者不是土著人，但在通过区域种族民族意识形态进行构架时，他们的抗议活动充满了土著性指标。抗议活动通过表演《拉丁美洲和加勒比人类学杂志》，第25卷，第1期，第1页获得了地区政府的支持。7–27。ISSN 1935-4932，在线ISSN 1935-4940。美国人类学协会版权所有©2020。版权所有。DOI：10.1111 / jlca.12462公证性和政治土著化7明显但隐含的土著性，这也给排除非人类的霸权政治带来了挑战。这篇文章强调了主要通过索引性出现的多种形式的土著性如何臭名昭著地干预政治。然而，自相矛盾的是，国际理事会的政治影响力如何取决于其对积极参与正式政治的弃权。[世界政治，索引秩序，本土性，表现，反对采矿]本文分析了库斯科地区正在进行的政治本土化进程，并着重注意了国家军事委员会的动员。 Quyllurit'i勋爵的朝圣者国家；从现在开始，国际理事会）呼吁取消Quyllurit'i神社附近的采矿权。国际理事会是前往这座神社朝圣的所有舞者的领导机构。秘鲁安第斯山脉的土著运动比厄瓜多尔，玻利维亚或秘鲁亚马逊河的运动更为广泛（Pajuelo 2006；Garcıa和Lucero 2004），但种族认同与社会抗议的背景有关，尤其是与采掘业有关，变得越来越有特色。在2011年普诺省抗议采矿的抗议活动中，有人将一个人口群体自我识别为Aymara就是很明显的（McDonell，2015年）。然而，在秘鲁南部的安第斯山脉，与土著人民讲一种土著语言或在当地发展为土著身份的习俗的人口比例相比，明显的土著身份认同仍然相当匮乏。继Marisol de la Cadena和Orin Starn（2007，4）之后，我将土著理解为“仅在更大的差异和相同的社会领域内才出现”。它不是从其自身的某些基本属性中获得“正”含义，而是通过其与不存在，超出或缺乏之间的关系来获得它的含义。” 土著和非土著之间的相互对话取决于广泛的社会政治背景（Huarcaya 2015； Mannheim and Tedlock 1995）。这使得与过去的殖民地紧张关系不断发展，原住民类别在包括国家，土著组织，非政府组织和多边机构的全球网络在内的当代背景下不断发展（Canessa 2007； Hodgson 2011； Postero 2007）。许多关于土著化的研究都涉及那些明确寻求来自国家，非政府组织，多边组织和其他土著人民的承认的群体，作为他们争取权利和正义的斗争的一部分（例如，Canessa 2007； Hodgson 2011； Jackson 1994）。 。这些是声称我称之为显性原著的过程。我在这里介绍的情况与这种模式不符，8 J ournalof L atin A merican and Cababean秘鲁高地土著动员的人类学：从当地社区的动员（Garcıa2005，167）到范围更广的动员（Starn 1999），许多他们没有明确声称自己是土著。一个很好的例子是安德鲁·坎妮莎（Andrew Canessa（2007，195）”的分析“在2001年玻利维亚人口普查中有人在说艾马拉语的社区被记录为土著和'民族语言标记'，但并不自我认同”。形式的土著。de la Cadena（2000）或Chinchero社区成员的当前案例明确拒绝了土著居民（Garcia 2018），这表明库斯科地区社会也有类似情况。在2011年的普诺抗议活动中，在秘鲁安第斯山脉中有明确宣称拥有土著地位的背景和组织，但这不是主要的模式（见Rousseau和Morales 2017）。国际理事会不寻求承认其为土著组织。然而，康塞乔领导的舞蹈家朝圣者的习俗，其中当然包括对天主教标志的引用，是由盖丘亚语介导的，并在该地区被广泛认为是源自说盖丘亚语的农村社区。此外，正如黛博拉·普尔（Deborah Poole，1990）所表明的那样，这些舞蹈的编排结构承载并再现了本土的观念和价值观，这些观念和价值观与可比的欧洲灵修舞明显不同。因此，这些实践的表现带有我所说的隐性土著性的迹象。明显地，这是研究人员而不是舞者朝圣者自己进行的分析的类别。尽管在实践中没有明显的土著化现象，但国际理事会的出现以及抗议中所表达的正在累积的政治能力表明了该地区正在发生的更广泛的政治隐性土著化进程。这个过程是由于另外两个因素的融合：首先是区域社会的民主化，其前身是自20世纪中叶以来农村和城市地区之间日益增长的移民和流动性，1969年的《土地改革》，1979年的《宪法》。全民投票，并在本世纪实现了相对持续的经济增长。这个过程可以在越来越多的农村出身的克丘亚语扬声器谁被选举为政治当局的理解。这个过程对于奎伊路里特勋爵（Ly Quyllurit'i）兄弟会的本土化和国际委员会的出现至关重要。第二是全球范围内土著民族及其国际文书的出现，例如国际劳工组织C169，《联合国土著人民权利宣言》以及（更不直接）是《联合国教科文组织保护非物质文化遗产公约》（Graham和Penny，2014年）。 ； Niezen 2003）。虽然前两个文书与动员国际理事会没有直接关系，但反复提及将Quyllurit'i朝圣活动列入2011年《人类非物质文化遗产名录》（联合国教科文组织，2011年）。标的性与政治的本土化9对这一抗议活动的分析涉及到关注绩效如何与不同形式的本土化联系起来。我理解表演是一种清晰的框架，是一种脱离日常生活的戏剧化行为，使参与者能够理解，批评和改变他们所生活的世界，从而具有反思性的品质（Guss 2000，9）。表演总是新兴的，是对过去表演的详细阐述，但是对创造力和新的诠释持开放态度。由于在较大的社会政治环境中所制定的诗歌结构中存在预设，因此表演得以再现（Mannheim 1998），从而再现了隐性的本土性。其中一些预设是本体论的（SalasCarreño2016）。例如，就是这种情况 所有以土著语言表达的语言艺术形式，或在朝圣中进行的舞蹈表演（Mannheim 2016; Poole 1990）。但是，性能在出现明显的异质性中也很重要。明确的土著性的对话性和转移性质量，以及“土著身份固有的歧义和矛盾，使表演和表演性显得尤为重要。。。。表演是表达，主张和构成土著身份的有力手段”（Graham and Penny 2014，8）。由于表演具有潜在的创造能力，“朱迪思·巴特勒（Judith Butler）认为，我们认为的政治行动主义实际上实际上是表演性的”（Postero 2017，18）。“当尸体聚集在街道，广场或其他形式的公共场所时。。。他们行使行使表演权的多元性”（Butler，2015年，第11期； Postero，2017年，第18期引述）。Sergio Miguel Huarcaya（2015）分析了厄瓜多尔的土著行动主义，并以巴特勒（1990）的表演观念为基础，显示了历史上通过反复的日常行为构成的种族-族裔等级制度如何通过抗议表演来挑战。Huarcaya（2015）分析了抗议活动中的土著仪式，音乐和舞蹈，这是拉丁美洲抗议活动更加本土化的一部分（Brysk，2000； Warren和Jackson，2002）。Peircean的某些类别对于解释在这种抗议活动中舞蹈和其他表演中出现土著现象的方式很有用。对于查尔斯·皮尔斯（1955），符号是通过约定与其对象相关的符号，而索引是通过时空连续性与其对象相关的符号。就惯例而言，单词是符号，在它们与对象（即指代意义）相关的范围内。单词也可以是与它们所使用的语境相关的索引。语言，语调或重音会提供有关说话者或听众的信息（具有索引意义）。索引性取决于语意识别的实际语境 或口音会提供有关说话者或听众的信息（具有索引意义）。索引性取决于语境，在这种语境中 或口音会提供有关说话者或听众的信息（具有索引意义）。索引性取决于语境，在这种语境中