For a critical frame that has been with us for decades, biopolitics has proven extraordinarily resilient. Writings about human life on almost any scale—from the molecule to the species, from pharmacological development to the stewardship of life, from the rhetoric and poetics of animacy to the logic of genocide—draw deeply from the wells of biopower. The keyword biopolitics is vastly inclusive. Yet the philosopher Michel Foucault’s outline of a theory of biopolitics in the mid-1970s (which many consider the foundation of the concept) was also oddly specific. Foucault wrote of a new form of sovereignty that emerged in the waning days of absolute monarchy, one drawing on nascent principles of public health and hygiene, ideas about individual and social development, novel and increasingly expansive knowledges about sexuality, and overlapping forms of law and science to shape life at the levels of both individual and society. Although Foucault saw how such mechanisms might operate in totalitarian regimes— indeed, the specters of Nazism and Stalinism haunt his essays and lectures—his principal concern was the operation of such discourses toward the shaping of population health and vitality in liberal democracies. This scene of emergence

中文翻译：

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生命政治之后的生活

对于一个已经存在了几十年的关键框架，生命政治已被证明具有非凡的弹性。从分子到物种，从药理学发展到生命的管理，从生命的修辞和诗学到种族灭绝的逻辑，几乎所有尺度上关于人类生活的著作都深深地汲取了生物力量的力量。关键词生命政治具有广泛的包容性。然而，哲学家米歇尔·福柯 (Michel Foucault) 在 1970 年代中期对生命政治理论的概述（许多人认为这是该概念的基础）也出奇地具体。福柯描述了一种在君主专制衰落时期出现的新形式的主权，它借鉴了新兴的公共卫生和卫生原则、关于个人和社会发展的思想、关于性的新颖且日益广泛的知识，以及法律和科学的重叠形式，以在个人和社会层面塑造生活。尽管福柯看到了这种机制在极权主义政权中的运作方式——事实上，纳粹主义和斯大林主义的幽灵在他的文章和讲座中出没——但他主要关注的是这些话语在自由民主国家中如何影响人口健康和活力。这一幕出现