Over the past 30 years and more, whiteness studies have extensively charted and analysed how whiteness has operated as a historically contingent ideological mechanism that establishes notions of racial superiority, maintains social status, power and privilege, and endorses discrimination and injustice against non-white people and cultures. The critical purpose of whiteness studies as a field has been to show how this is achieved primarily through rendering whiteness as both normal and invisible, a taken-for-granted standard that becomes central to constructions of national belonging and identity, and to dialectical comparisons with ethnic minorities. So, for example, the development of Australia as a British colony was coterminous with the ascendant definition of Australian identity as white, regardless of the indigenous black population who were socially marginalised as well as racially derogated. One among many consequences of this was that love relationships between a white man and a black woman were tabooed, so when they did occur they figured as a point of conflict, ignominy and aggression, for with such cross-ethnic relationships the otherwise abiding normalcy of whiteness was eroded, along with a tacit acceptance of the rightness of white status and privilege, though of course the invisibility of such status and privilege only applied to white people themselves. Whiteness for black people has always been highly visible.1 Peggy McIntosh (2016) has noted that for her whiteness has been ‘an invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on cashing in every day, but about which I was “meant” to remain oblivious’ (p. 188). The inevitable corollary of this is that the greater the extent to which whiteness is unquestioningly accepted as normal and invisible, the greater the extent to which ethnic minorities are stereotypically ‘othered’ and structurally relegated or sidelined. This works to bolster white power and privilege, as is attested, for 911125 EJC0010.1177/0267323120911125European Journal of CommunicationReview Essay research-article2020

中文翻译：

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白人政治和种族可见性

在过去的 30 多年里，白人研究广泛地描绘和分析了白人如何作为一种历史性的意识形态机制运作，它建立了种族优越的概念，维护社会地位、权力和特权，并支持对非白人的歧视和不公正和文化。白度研究作为一个领域的关键目的是展示如何主要通过使白度既正常又不可见来实现这一目标，这是一种被视为理所当然的标准，成为构建民族归属感和身份认同的核心，以及与少数民族。因此，例如，澳大利亚作为英国殖民地的发展与澳大利亚白人身份的上升定义是共同的，不论被社会边缘化和种族贬低的土著黑人人口如何。这样做的众多后果之一是，白人男子和黑人妇女之间的爱情关系是被禁止的，因此当它们发生时，他们将其视为冲突、耻辱和侵略的一个点，因为在这种跨种族关系中，原本常态的白人被侵蚀，同时默许白人地位和特权的正确性，当然，这种地位和特权的隐形只适用于白人本身。黑人的白人一直很明显。1 Peggy McIntosh (2016) 指出，对她来说，白人是“一种无形的不劳而获的资产，我可以指望每天兑现，但我“意在”保持遗忘”（第 188 页）。必然的推论是，白人被毫无疑问地接受为正常和不可见的程度越大，少数民族被刻板地“异化”和在结构上被贬低或边缘化的程度就越大。正如 911125 EJC0010.1177/0267323120911125European Journal of CommunicationReview Essay research-article2020 所证明的那样，这有助于增强白人的权力和特权