After a prolonged decline, estimates show that global hunger has increased. In 2017, over 820 million people – one out of every nine – faced chronic food deprivation. Without increased efforts, UN agencies project that “the world will fall short of achieving the SDG target of eradicating hunger by 2030”.(1) The burden of child stunting and wasting remains unacceptably high: nearly 151 million children under the age of five have stunted growth, and 50 million are threatened by wasting. At the same time, 38 million under-five children are overweight and more than 672 million adults – more than one in eight – are obese. Increasingly, this malnutrition is concentrated in urban areas: despite the vaunted urban advantage, one in three stunted children lives in an urban area, and the global rise in overweight and obesity mostly affects urban adults.(2) Over the last two decades there has been a welcome shift in policy debates from a predominant concern with food production to increased attention to food consumption and a focus on access, affordability and utilization. The latter are especially relevant to the majority of the world’s population now living in urban areas, who rely primarily on food purchases. Yet, with some notable exceptions, the urban dimension remains largely absent from food security research and policy. Food and nutrition security is achieved, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), when “all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life”.(3) As Battersby and Watson note,(4) this is a wider agenda than ending hunger, and one that requires a wider set of policy responses. In urban settings, policies need to be grounded in a holistic approach that explicitly positions and addresses food and nutrition insecurity within the broader context of urban poverty and intra-urban inequalities. This means taking into account the multiple dimensions of urban poverty, from incomes and the nature of income-generating activities to the provision of adequate housing and infrastructure, to the impacts of urban planning on access to affordable and nutritious food. The papers in this issue explore different dimensions and drivers of urban food insecurity but share a focus on low-income and marginalized groups. The key questions explored are summarized in this editorial. These include the links between urban poverty and food insecurity (Section I); the contribution of food safety concerns to the restriction of traditional and informal food markets, and the impacts for lowincome consumers and traders (Section II); the importance of using a gender lens to understand the challenges to achieving food security (Section III); and the often underestimated role of food in social relations and in supporting community networks (Section IV). 867255 EAU Environment & Urbanization

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社论：粮食不安全和营养不良的城市化

经过长期下降之后，估计数字表明全球饥饿人数有所增加。2017年，超过8.2亿人（每9人中有1人）面临着长期的食物匮乏。如果不加大努力，联合国机构预计“世界将无法实现到2030年消除饥饿的可持续发展目标”。（1）儿童发育迟缓和浪费的负担仍然高得令人无法接受：近1.51亿五岁以下儿童增长停滞，浪费造成了5000万的威胁。同时，有3800万五岁以下儿童超重，而超过6.72亿成年人（八分之一以上）肥胖。营养不良现象越来越多地集中在城市地区：尽管享有城市优势，但仍有三分之一的发育不良儿童生活在城市地区，全球超重和肥胖的上升主要影响城市成年人。（2）在过去的二十年中，政策辩论发生了可喜的转变，从对粮食生产的主要关注转向对粮食消费的更多关注以及对获取，可负担性和利用的关注。后者与目前居住在城市地区的世界上大多数人口特别相关，他们主要依靠粮食购买。然而，除了一些明显的例外，粮食安全研究和政策在很大程度上没有城市层面。根据粮食及农业组织（FAO）的说法，实现了粮食和营养安全，即“所有人在任何时候都可以在物理上和经济上获得足够的安全和营养食品，以满足他们的饮食需求和对积极和健康饮食的偏爱。健康生活”。（3）正如Battersby和Watson指出的那样，（4）这是比消除饥饿更广泛的议程，而这需要更广泛的政策回应。在城市环境中，政策必须以整体方法为基础，在城市贫困和城市内部不平等的更广泛背景下，明确定位和解决粮食和营养不安全问题。这意味着要考虑到城市贫困的多个方面，从收入和创收活动的性质到提供适当的住房和基础设施，再到城市规划对获取可负担和营养食品的影响。本期的论文探讨了城市粮食不安全的不同方面和驱动因素，但重点关注低收入和边缘化群体。本社论总结了探讨的关键问题。其中包括城市贫困与粮食不安全之间的联系（第一部分）；食品安全问题对限制传统和非正式食品市场的贡献，以及对低收入消费者和贸易商的影响（第二节）；使用性别视角了解实现粮食安全挑战的重要性（第三节）；粮食在社会关系和支持社区网络中的作用常常被低估（第四节）。867255 EAU环境与城市化