Since the early 1990s, Latin America has witnessed a significant expansion in large‐scale extractive activity, inducing widespread social and environmental conflict (Bebbington, 2012), producing new forms of political participation (Arce, 2014; Bonilla, 2015) and fostering environmental governance at national level (Arellano‐Yanguas, 2011; Bebbington, 2013). New geographies of extraction have altered pre‐existing territorial configurations, producing important physical transformations and differential forms of access to natural resources (Burneo, 2014; Ulloa, 2020), and reconfiguring residents' experiences of place (Li, 2015; Romero Toledo, Videla and Gutiérrez, 2017). Material rearrangements induced by extractive development result in new forms of social mobility, inclusion and exclusion (Bury, 2004; Salas Carreño, 2008), reproducing and reworking social inequalities. However, the gender dimension of these processes has remained relatively underexplored (Deonandan and Tatham, 2016), despite women being increasingly visible actors in resource‐related conflicts across Latin America, and playing an active role in community organisations contesting proposed and existing extractive projects across the region. Emerging research thus focuses on understanding women's responses to large‐scale mining extraction, how and why they are contesting it, and the challenges they face in doing so (Grieco, 2016; Jenkins, 2017; Lutz‐Ley and Buechler, 2020).

This special section is based on the panel ‘Women, Activism and Resource Extraction’, organised for the 2018 Annual Conference of the Society of Latin American Studies (SLAS), bringing together work from international development, anthropology and sociology, to better understand the experiences and responses of indigenous and non‐indigenous women confronted with extractive activities in Peru and Chile.

Inge Boudewijn's article focuses on how women's activism changes and becomes embedded in daily lives, when conflict disappears from the spotlight. Since the suspension of the Minas Conga mining project in 2012, activists in Cajamarca (Peru) have turned to the challenge of imagining alternative development. While some advocate for ‘sustainable’ mining, others favour alternative development strategies or question the very notion of development. Boudewijn's analysis shows how women mobilise gendered values, in order to imagine possible post‐extractivist futures based on local history and personal experience.

The success of women's anti‐mining activism in Peru over the last decade has largely depended on building strategic alliances between rural and indigenous women and urban and mestiza feminist movements. Johanna Leinius' article focuses on the convergence of distinct concerns and worldviews around a unifying discourse of ‘body as territory’, bringing together feminist claims for sexual and reproductive rights with indigenous demands for territorial autonomy. However, Leinius argues that, despite these alliances, the underlying inequalities between rural indigenous and urban mestiza women remain unchallenged.

In Chile, Anahy Gajardo explores how ethnicity has become a resource for Diaguita women in the face of the Huasco Alto corporate social responsibility (CSR) programme. Gajardo's article shows how mining CSR has played a central role in reviving Diaguita culture, situating Diaguita women as the legitimate ‘custodians’ of indigeneity. Women who benefit from CSR programmes feel implicitly compelled to support mining activities, a position which sets them against male‐dominated Diaguita organisations opposed to mining. Indigenous women therefore find themselves becoming the ideal subjects of Chilean neoliberal and multicultural development policies that are dividing the political and social fabric of their communities.

Resource extraction often extends over many years, and all of the contributions foreground in particular the changing nature of women's involvement with their communities, mining companies and anti‐mining activism, the challenges they face in establishing new social and political alliances, and sustaining these over time. Together, the three papers provide rich empirical material to enable us to better understand the ways in which gender and ethnic identity are tightly imbricated in shaping the nature and course of natural resource conflicts and consensus.

自1990年代初以来，拉丁美洲目睹了大规模采掘活动的显着扩展，引发了广泛的社会和环境冲突（Bebbington，  2012年），产生了新的政治参与形式（Arce，  2014年； Bonilla，  2015年），并促进了环境治理。在国家一级（Arellano-Yanguas，  2011年； Bebbington，  2013年）。采掘业的新地域已改变了原有的领土格局，产生了重要的自然变化，并以不同的形式获得了自然资源（Burneo，2014年； Ulloa，  2020年），并重新构造了 居民的居住体验（Li，  2015年）; 罗梅罗·托莱多（Romero Toledo），维德拉（Videla）和古铁雷斯（Gutiérrez），  2017年）。采掘发展引起的物质重排导致了新形式的社会流动，包容和排斥（Bury，  2004； SalasCarreño，  2008），重现和改造了社会不平等。但是，这些过程的性别层面仍未得到充分挖掘（Deonandan和Tatham，  2016年）。），尽管妇女在拉美各地与资源有关的冲突中扮演着越来越重要的角色，并在社区组织与该地区提议的和现有的采掘项目竞争中发挥了积极作用。因此，新兴研究的重点是了解妇女对大规模采矿的反应，如何以及为什么要与之竞争以及她们在这样做方面面临的挑战（Grieco，  2016年; Jenkins，  2017年; Lutz-Ley和Buechler，  2020年）。

该特别部分基于为拉丁美洲研究协会（SLAS）2018年年会组织的``妇女，行动主义和资源提取''小组，汇集了国际发展，人类学和社会学的研究成果，以更好地了解经验以及在秘鲁和智利面临着采掘活动的土著和非土著妇女的应对措施。

英格·布德维（Inge Boudewijn）的文章重点讨论了当冲突从聚光灯下消失时，妇女的积极性是如何改变并融入日常生活的。自2012年Minas Conga采矿项目暂停以来，秘鲁卡哈马卡（Cajamarca）的激进分子转向设想替代发展的挑战。尽管有些人主张“可持续”采矿，但另一些人则赞成替代发展战略或对发展的概念提出质疑。Boudewijn的分析显示了妇女如何调动性别价值观，以便根据当地历史和个人经验来想象灭绝后主义的未来。

过去十年来，秘鲁妇女反排雷行动的成功很大程度上取决于在农村和土著妇女与城市和梅斯蒂扎女权运动之间建立战略联盟。约翰娜·莱尼乌斯（Johanna Leinius）的文章着眼于围绕“作为领土的身体”的统一话语的独特关注和世界观的融合，将女性对性权利和生殖权利的主张与土著对领土自治的要求结合在一起。然而，莱尼乌斯认为，尽管有这些联盟，农村土著和城市梅斯蒂萨妇女之间的潜在不平等仍然没有受到挑战。

在智利，面对Huasco Alto企业社会责任（CSR）计划，Anahy Gajardo探索了种族如何成为Diaguita妇女的一种资源。Gajardo的文章展示了采矿企业社会责任如何在复兴Diaguita文化中发挥中心作用，使Diaguita妇女成为土著的合法“监护人”。受益于企业社会责任计划的妇女感到被迫支持采矿活动，这一立场使她们与反对采矿的男性主导的Diaguita组织形成对抗。因此，土著妇女发现自己成为智利新自由主义和多元文化发展政策的理想对象，这些政策正在分割其社区的政治和社会结构。

资源提取通常需要持续多年，所有的贡献前景尤其是妇女参与社区，采矿公司和反采矿活动的参与的不断变化的性质，妇女在建立新的社会和政治联盟以及维持这些挑战方面面临的挑战。时间。这三篇论文在一起提供了丰富的经验材料，使我们能够更好地理解在塑造自然资源冲突和共识的性质和过程中紧密结合性别和种族认同的方式。