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Balkanizing Europeanization: the fight against corruption and regional relations in the Western Balkans
Southeast European and Black Sea Studies ( IF 2.516 ) Pub Date : 2019-12-10 , DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2019.1700878
Věra Stojarová 1
Affiliation  

something new about the WB countries that it cannot explain? The central message of the book is that the model is a good starting point for an enlargement policy for the WB but it has to be adapted to a new reality which appears to change the Europeanization itself (Chapter 2). In his chapter, Florian Bieber claims that the current approach to enlargement in the Balkans is too ahistorical. We cannot expect a mere adoption of European standards from the aspiring countries without taking into account these countries’ specificities. And these specificities imply that some standards will be adopted, some modified, and some rejected. The Balkans’ specificities (contested statehood and ethnic conflicts) appear to increase adoption costs by creating large internal opposition to enlargement, which slows the process. But adoption costs also rise because of the high level of state capture, which appears to be the obstacle to the Western Balkans’ prosperity and Europeanization (Chapter 4). State capture is a consequence of political parties’ and tycoons’ extraction of public funds from state budgets. Extraction appears in many forms, some of which are absolutely preventable by the conditionality policy. Since most WB countries developed lots of rent-seeking mechanisms after 1989, the Balkan political and economic elite who benefit from these mechanisms have to renounce much more extractive mechanisms than their East European counterparts. The EU established some new mechanisms to oversee the compliance problem in the economic sphere (Chapter 10). Yet until recently, EU officials have failed to act on such practices. The book also points to a tradeoff between security and democracy. The structure of the current EU integration model rewards stability in the region and the Western Balkan cabinets’ anti-Russian policies. This sort of conditionality bestows enormous power on the autocratic Balkan political leaders, because it allows them to design a system that will silence the opposition and let them remain in power for as long as they continue to fulfill the enlargement criteria. This connection between EU enlargement and conditionality, on the one hand, and state capture and democratic decline, on the other, is addressed in a most direct manner by Marko Kmezić in Chapter 5. Conditionality remains the most powerful theoretical mechanism to explain the enlargement process. However, one should take account of the specificities of theWestern Balkans – contested statehood and ethnic conflicts, state capture, and stabilitocracy – which was much less pronounced during the 1990s in the East European countries that joined the EU in 2004.

中文翻译:

巴尔干化欧洲化:西巴尔干地区打击腐败和区域关系的斗争

关于世界银行国家的一些新事物,它无法解释?该书的中心信息是,该模型是世界银行扩大政策的良好起点,但必须适应新的现实,该现实似乎会改变欧洲化本身(第2章)。弗洛里安·比伯(Florian Bieber)在他的一章中声称,巴尔干半岛目前的扩大做法太过历史了。我们不能指望有抱负的国家仅采用欧洲标准而不考虑这些国家的特殊性。这些特性意味着将采用某些标准,对某些标准进行修改,而对某些标准则予以拒绝。巴尔干的特殊性(饱受争议的建国和种族冲突)似乎引起内部对扩大的强烈反对,从而增加了收养成本,从而减慢了这一进程。但是收养成本也由于国家占领的高水平而增加,这似乎是西方巴尔干人的繁荣和欧洲化的障碍(第4章)。国家占领是政党和大亨从国家预算中提取公共资金的结果。提取以多种形式出现,其中一些可以通过条件政策绝对防止。由于大多数世界银行国家在1989年之后建立了许多寻租机制,因此受益于这些机制的巴尔干政治和经济精英必须放弃比东欧同行更多的采掘机制。欧盟建立了一些新机制来监督经济领域的合规性问题(第10章)。但直到最近,欧盟官员仍未对这种做法采取行动。该书还指出了安全与民主之间的权衡。当前欧盟一体化模式的结构奖励了该地区的稳定以及西巴尔干内阁的反俄政策。这种条件性赋予独裁的巴尔干政治领导人以巨大的权力,因为它使他们能够设计一种制度,该制度将使反对派保持沉默,并让他们在继续满足扩大标准的情况下继续执政。MarkoKmezić在第5章中以最直接的方式一方面探讨了欧盟扩大与有条件限制之间的联系,另一方面有国家占领与民主衰落之间的联系。有条件限制仍然是解释扩大过程的最有力的理论机制。然而,
更新日期:2019-12-10
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