Vijaya Ramdas Mandala’s Shooting a Tiger has grown from the author’s doctoral dissertation submitted to the University of Manchester. The limited scholarship available on colonial big-game hunting in India and Africa focuses on its symbolic value as a sport—a metaphor for governance (A.S. Pandian 2001) and a spectacle of power and masculinity (Storey 1991; M.S.S. Pandian 1995; Sramek 2006). Moving forward from seeing it as a metaphor, Mandala views hunting as governance. In this lies the uniqueness of his work. He persuades us to delve deeply into the connections between hunting and colonial governance by bringing to the fore the everyday significance of hunting to colonial officers, its bearings on routine administrative and legislative functions, and as a pleasurable activity. Weaving together a rich archive on hunting in colonial India, using published and unpublished material, covering different ecological and political contexts, Mandala demonstrates how colonial hunting and conservation ethos were framed to further political, military, economic, and cultural imperial agendas, which enabled and reinforced hierarchies not only within human animals but also among non-human animals. Apart from the introduction, in which he familiarises us with the symbolic and practical importance of hunting in ancient and colonial India and its association with spectacles of power and masculinity, the book contains six chapters. The first two chapters examine the role of hunting in extending and consolidating the power and authority of the British to the frontier regions and the emergence of a distinct Anglo-Indian identity. Through an examination of the lives of various colonial officers such as John Malcolm, Mountstuart Elphinstone, and James Outram, the first chapter argues that the British, following the Mughals, employed hunting to befriend, protect, surveil, and subjugate rebel populations and extend their territorial control to fringe areas. In the chapter that follows, Mandala attributes the colonial officers’ discovery and the consequent transformation of mountainous regions, such as the Nilgiris and the Himalayas, into ‘Hill Stations’ to this pastime activity. Mandala argues that hunting in the hills, especially in the Nilgiris and in the Doon valley, played an important role in shaping the Anglo-Indian as a unique cultural identity and in the evolution of hunting into a colonial sport. The third and fourth chapters examine the tradition of hunting as a sport in colonial India. Mandala unravels the invented tradition of hunting in India to argue that the evolution of hunting as a British colonial sport with gendered and racialised codes was contingent not only on the British limiting access to forests and gaining control over native practices but also on their mastery and control over the use of firearms. His astute observation of the importance of firearms in framing codes of sportsmanship that lead to the conversion of hunting into a sport is yet another feature that sets this book apart from existing scholarship. The chapter also explores the role of Indian princes in colonial state-making. Examining the hunts arranged by princely states for important dignitaries, Mandala argues that royal shikars arranged by Indian princes for visiting colonial dignitaries were beneficial to both sides and enabled the formation of a mutual politico-ritual philosophy of shikar. Signalling to the beginning of preservation movements, the chapter discusses the increasing exclusivity of hunting and the making of large reserves for providing entertainment to the British. The next two chapters argue that wildlife conservation was essential for the continuation of the British Raj by the late nineteenth century. However, the Raj’s approach to conservation was modified according to the location, availability of resources, and usefulness or danger posed by the species to the purpose of empire building. Mandala, examining the protection afforded to elephants and its lack, if not the vilification of tigers, contends that wildlife conservation in colonial India was selective and aimed at protecting the commercial and sporting interests of the British. He highlights that constant struggle and negotiation between cultivators, sportsmen, and local communities that depended on forest resources for their livelihood characterised the colonial conservation movement. In the final chapter, he examines the individual efforts taken by two hunter-turned conservationists—Jim Corbett and Richard Burton, to better illustrate the paradox of hunting and conservation in colonial India. The chapters work well by themselves and provide a historical overview of the various ways in which hunting and later conservation were employed to further the imperial agenda. Although the focus is on tracing the links between hunting and governance through the colonial period, Mandala acknowledges its importance as a powerful and well-worked symbol of the colonial regime. He constantly reminds us that due to its popularity in the metropole and within India, hunting was a perfect site for the construction of the public face of the Raj. The book, in its examination of colonial big-game hunting—from the Company period, through the high days of imperialism, to the end of colonial rule—also examines the different genres that emerged from differences in topography and use of weapons, which in turn led to the formation of exclusive social clubs. Book review

中文翻译：

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射击老虎：殖民地印度的大型狩猎和保护

Vijaya Ramdas Mandala的《射杀老虎》源于提交给曼彻斯特大学的作者博士学位论文。在印度和非洲的殖民地大型狩猎活动中可获得的奖学金有限，其重点是作为一项运动的象征性价值，即对政府的隐喻（AS Pandian，2001年）以及对权力和男性气质的奇观（Storey，1991年； MSS Pandian，1995年； Sramek，2006年）。 。从将其视为隐喻向前迈进，曼陀罗将狩猎视为治理。这就是他作品的独特性。他说服我们深入挖掘狩猎与殖民统治之间的联系，将狩猎对殖民地官员的日常意义，与日常行政和立法职能的关系以及作为一项令人愉悦的活动带给人们。在印度殖民地编织了丰富的狩猎记录，曼陀罗使用已出版和未出版的材料，涵盖了不同的生态和政治背景，展示了如何将殖民狩猎和保护精神与进一步的政治，军事，经济和文化帝国议程相结合，从而不仅在人类动物内而且在非动物内实现并加强了等级制度-人类动物。除了引言外，他使我们熟悉了古代和殖民地印度的狩猎的象征意义和实际重要性，以及与权力和阳刚之气的关联，该书共分六章。前两章探讨了狩猎在扩大和巩固英国对边疆地区的权力和权威以及出现独特的英印身份中的作用。通过对约翰·马尔科姆（John Malcolm），芒斯图亚特·埃尔芬斯通（Mountstuart Elphinstone）和詹姆士·欧特拉姆（James Outram）等殖民地官员的生活的考察，第一章认为，英国人跟随穆加尔人进行狩猎，以结识，保护，监视和征服叛乱分子并扩大他们的生活边缘地区的领土控制。在接下来的章节中，曼荼罗将殖民军官的发现以及随之而来的山区转变（如尼尔吉里斯和喜马拉雅山）转变为这种消遣活动的“山岗站”。曼陀罗认为，在山上打猎，特别是在尼尔吉里斯和杜恩河谷打猎，在塑造英裔印第安人独特的文化身份以及打猎成为殖民地运动的过程中发挥了重要作用。第三章和第四章考察了在印度殖民地打猎的传统。曼陀罗（Mandala）揭示了印度打猎的传统，认为打猎作为具有性别和种族代码的英国殖民运动的演变不仅取决于英国限制进入森林的机会并获得对本地习俗的控制，还取决于他们的掌握和控制。过度使用枪支。他敏锐地观察到枪支在制定体育行为守则中的重要性，导致将狩猎转变为一项体育活动，这是使本书与现有奖学金脱颖而出的又一特色。本章还探讨了印度王子在殖民国家建立中的作用。考察诸侯国为重要贵宾安排的狩猎活动，曼陀罗认为，印度诸侯安排来访的殖民地贵宾们的皇家湿婆对双方都有利，并使湿婆之间形成了一种政治-礼节的相互哲学。通过标志着保存运动的开始，这一章讨论了狩猎的日益增加的独占性以及为英国人提供娱乐活动而建立的大量储备的可能性。接下来的两章认为，野生生物保护对于19世纪末英国拉吉的延续至关重要。但是，拉吉的保护方法是根据地理位置，资源的可获得性以及该物种对帝国建立的目的所构成的有用性或危险性而修改的。曼陀罗（Mandala）研究了对大象的保护以及大象的缺乏（如果不是老虎的话），主张在印度殖民地进行野生动植物保护是有选择性的，旨在保护英国的商业和体育利益。他着重指出，依靠森林资源谋生的耕地者，运动员和当地社区之间不断的斗争和谈判是殖民保护运动的特征。在最后一章中，他考察了两个由猎人转变为自然保护主义者的个人，他们是吉姆·科贝特（Jim Corbett）和理查德·伯顿（Richard Burton），以更好地说明印度殖民地时期狩猎和保护的悖论。这些章节本身运作良好，并提供了有关狩猎和后来的保护被用来推进帝国议程的各种方式的历史概述。尽管重点是在整个殖民时期追踪狩猎与治理之间的联系，曼陀罗承认其重要性，是殖民政权强大有力的象征。他不断提醒我们，由于在大都市和印度很受欢迎，狩猎是拉杰（Raj）公众面孔建设的理想场所。该书在考察殖民时期的大型狩猎活动（从公司时期到帝国主义的高潮时期，再到殖民统治的终结）时，还研究了地形和武器使用差异带来的不同类型，转而导致形成专属社交俱乐部。书评 在考察殖民时期的大型狩猎活动（从公司时期到帝国主义的高潮时期，再到殖民统治结束），还考察了地形和武器使用差异所产生的不同体裁，进而导致成立专属社交俱乐部。书评 在考察殖民时期的大型狩猎活动（从公司时期到帝国主义的高潮时期，再到殖民统治结束），还考察了地形和武器使用差异所产生的不同体裁，进而导致成立专属社交俱乐部。书评