Recent scholarship across various disciplines since the U.S. housing crisis of 2008 has deepened our understanding of racial wealth gaps, especially as it pertains to housing. This article focuses on two less-developed dimensions of Black and Latino home ownership, voting and immigration, respectively. The Black home ownership rate has fallen to 41% as of 2019, the lowest level since the 1968 Fair Housing Act. I contend that the continued decline of Black home ownership reduces voting turnout. A multivariate fixed effects analysis of state-level Black voter turnout in presidential elections since 2000 lends support to this contention. In contrast, the Latino home ownership rate has rebounded, climbing to nearly 48% in 2019. I argue that this rise is as much a mirage as sign of progress—an artifact of the deportation of millions of Latin Americans and the end of undocumented Mexican migration. Such changes inflate Latino ownership rates by reducing the denominator rather than increasing the numerator of homeowners. Examining state-level data, my multivariate analysis shows that the decline in the undocumented population and, to a lesser extent, the increase of DACA recipients explain the level and change in Latino ownership more than the change in the share of Latino citizens or documented non-citizens. I conclude that the color line has reinforced a new Black/non-Black divide in home ownership that undermines the social mobility and electoral representation of Black Americans. Meanwhile, a tri-racial divide by legal status and race stratifies Latino home ownership. Intra-Latino inequality masquerades as success because of the expulsion of vulnerable Latino immigrants and their US citizen children. The social consequences distort the home ownership rate calculation and pose another threat to multiracial democracy.

中文翻译：

---

为什么黑人和拉丁美洲人的房屋所有权会影响种族分界线和多种族民主

自2008年美国住房危机以来，各个学科的最新研究成果加深了我们对种族贫富差距的理解，尤其是在住房方面。本文着重介绍黑人和拉丁裔房屋所有权的两个欠发达方面，分别是投票和移民。截至2019年，黑人住房拥有率已降至41％，这是自1968年《公平住房法》以来的最低水平。我认为，黑人房屋所有权的持续下降会减少投票率。自2000年以来，对州级黑人选民投票率的多变量固定效应分析为这一论点提供了支持。相比之下，拉丁裔的房屋拥有率已经反弹，在2019年攀升至近48％。我认为，这种上升既是进步的迹象，也是海市rage楼，这是数百万拉丁美洲人被驱逐出境以及无证墨西哥人移民结束的产物。这种变化通过减少分母而不是增加房主的分子来提高拉丁裔拥有率。通过检查国家级数据，我的多变量分析表明，无证件人口的减少以及DACA接受者数量的增加在较小程度上说明了拉丁美洲人所有权的水平和变化，而不是拉丁美洲人或非有证件的人口份额的变化-公民。我得出的结论是，种族分界线加强了​​新的黑人/非黑人房屋所有权鸿沟，破坏了黑人美国人的社会流动性和选举代表权。同时，法律地位和种族之间的三种族鸿沟将拉丁裔的房屋所有权分层。由于驱逐脆弱的拉丁裔移民及其美国公民子女，拉丁美洲内部的不平等伪装成成功。社会后果扭曲了房屋拥有率的计算，并对多种族民主制构成了另一威胁。