This article explains two unique aspects of the New World Spanish empire: its production of hundreds of thousands of royal decrees, and the unique categories that these edicts contained, such as mestizo and mulato. I outline the petition and response system, through which vassals of all social backgrounds constantly suggested new laws to the ruling Council of the Indies. Pressed for time, the council’s overwhelmed ministers often transplanted petitions’ vocabulary verbatim into decrees. This meant that subjects often phrased imperial laws minor and major, regional and Indies-wide. Using a four-step archival methodology, this article demonstrates how scholars can match vassals’ petitions to decrees. This essay then shows how legal categories such as mestizo and mulato came about through the petitions of not only Spaniards but also Indians, mestizos, and mulatos themselves. Subjects of any social background could therefore introduce and shape Indies legal constructs, and the empire’s agenda, from the ground up. I n 1578, Friar Rodrigo de Loaysa traveled to Madrid as the representative of Peru’s Augustinian order. He was on official business—to petition the Council of the Indies, the Spanish monarchy’s supreme legislative and judicial body for its New World dominions. Loaysa warned the council’s ministers that vassals of part-Indian origin, whom he called “mestizos,” should not be priests; in his view, they needed further evangelization before they could assume such a responsibility. The council agreed and issued a decree for Peru’s bishoprics ordering prelates to be extremely cautious when ordaining mestizos.1 This article has benefited from the tireless help of my adviser Professor Jorge CañizaresEsguerra, the watchful eye of HAHR managing editor Sean Mannion and the two anonymous reviewers, the input of Professors Arndt Brendecke, Lina Del Castillo, Judith Coffin, Susan Deans-Smith, Bianca Premo, José Carlos de la Puente Luna, Kris Lane, Mark Thurner, and Ann Twinam, as well as my colleagues Ahmed Deidán de la Torre, Chloe Ireton, Kristie Flannery, and my wife Altina Hoti, among many others. I would also like to thank Dr. Neil Safier and the John Carter Brown Library, the Fulbright Student Program, the Harvard University and Cambridge University History Project Research Grant, and the University of Texas at Austin History Department for their generous financial support. 1. The December 13, 1577, decree is located in Archivo General de Indias, Seville (hereafter cited as AGI), Lima 570, leg. 14, fols. 174r–75r. Unlike a number of other Hispanic American Historical Review 98:3 doi 10.1215/00182168-6933534 2018 by Duke University Press Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/98/3/377/536048/377masters.pdf by guest on 28 May 2019 This edict joined dozens of laws that had gradually limited the rights and privileges of Spanish-Indian offspring beginning in the mid-1500s. By 1580, the situation had reached its nadir: the council no longer allowed them to bear arms, inherit their Spanish conquistador fathers’ Indian tribute, or enjoy a number of other royal prerogatives. Part-Indian individuals would experience tangible and increasing social discrimination. Due to Loaysa’s efforts, bishops began turning away part-Indian priests who were on the verge of taking vows. The edict did not mention women, but in Lima’s convents abbesses were nonetheless using the measure to justify barring mestizas from becoming nuns of the black veil, the highest rank within these cloisters.2 Peru’s Spanish-Indian offspring did not resign themselves to a campaign of passive resistance, nor did they reach for their swords. Instead, a group of highly organized mestizo priests throughout the viceroyalty plotted to persuade the king and the council that these measures were in grave error. They mobilized two religious brotherhoods in Cuzco and Arequipa, gathered 150 mestizos’ signatures from regions as distant as Loja and Chile, and secured the explicit support of Peru’s bishops and other elite Spaniards. They sent the humble halfIndian Pedro Rengifo of La Paz to lobby the council in Madrid in 1584 with a large dossier of complaints and testimonies in hand. Rengifo sought to persuade the council that Peru’s “family of 10,000 mestizos” deserved the same privileges as Spaniards.3 He implored the king to allow “mestizos” to carry weapons and become full-status nuns and priests. Rengifo’s letters portrayed him as the “voice of all the sons of Spaniards and Indians whom they call mestizos” and pleaded that “said decree . . . be annulled.”4 After multiple delays, Rengifo won a resounding victory in 1588. The council overturned the 1578 ban on mestizo priests throughout Peru with a new edict in which the crown mandated that mestizos and mestizas were now fully equal to Spanish men and women. The text of the 1588 decree features several verbatim phrases of Rengifo’s petition. The decree states that “I the King . . . was given notice by Pedro Rengifo . . . in the name of all the sons of Spaniards and Indians whom they call mestizos” and concludes that “said decrees . . . must be annulled.”5 Numerous instances that I discuss in this essay, in which the council’s phrasing ofdecrees owed directly to a petition’s text, Loaysa prompted the council to reissue an earlier decree of uncertain provenance. 2. Cover letter, AGI, Lima 126, n.p.

中文翻译：

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一千名无形的建筑师：随从，请愿和响应系统以及西班牙帝国种姓立法的创建

本文介绍了新世界西班牙帝国的两个独特方面：数十万皇家法令的产生，以及这些法令所包含的独特类别，例如混血儿和混血儿。我概述了请愿和回应系统，通过该系统，所有社会背景的附庸不断向印度统治委员会提出新法律。由于时间紧迫，该委员会不堪重负的部长们经常将请愿书的词汇逐字地移植到法令中。这意味着主题经常在次要和次要，区域和印度范围内用帝国法来表述。本文采用四步存档方法，展示了学者如何将封臣的请愿与法令相匹配。然后，这篇文章说明了不仅西班牙人而且印度人，混血儿，和mulatos自己。因此，任何社会背景的受试者都可以从头开始并塑造印度的法律构架和帝国的议程。1578年，男修道士罗德里戈·德·罗伊萨以秘鲁奥古斯丁式的代表的身份前往马德里。他从事公务—向印度君主会议（Council of the Indies）请愿，该委员会是西班牙君主制的新世界领地最高立法和司法机构。洛伊萨（Loaysa）警告该委员会的部长们，他称自己为“混血儿”的部分印度血统的附庸不应该是祭司。他认为，他们需要进一步传福音，才能承担起这样的责任。该委员会同意并颁布了一项法令，要求秘鲁的两任主教在命定混血儿时要格外谨慎。1本文得益于我的顾问JorgeCañizaresEsguerra教授的不懈帮助，HAHR常务编辑肖恩·曼尼翁（Sean Mannion）和两位匿名审阅者的敏锐眼光，阿恩特·布伦德克（Arndt Brendecke）教授，莉娜·德尔卡斯蒂略（Lina Del Castillo）教授，朱迪思·科芬（Judith Coffin），苏珊·迪恩斯·史密斯（Susan Deans-Smith），比安卡·普雷莫（Bianca Premo），何塞·卡洛斯·德拉·普恩特（JoséCarlos de la Puente Luna），克里斯·莱恩（Kris Lane），马克·瑟纳（Mark Thurner）和安·泰南（Ann Twinam），以及我的同事艾哈迈德·迪丹·德拉·托雷（Chuck Ireton），克里斯蒂·弗兰纳里（Kristie Flannery）和我的妻子阿尔蒂娜·霍蒂（Altina Hoti）等。我还要感谢尼尔·萨菲尔博士和约翰·卡特·布朗图书馆，富布赖特学生计划，哈佛大学和剑桥大学历史项目研究补助金以及德克萨斯大学奥斯汀历史系的慷慨资助。1. 1577年12月13日的法令位于印度阿基沃将军区，塞维利亚（以下简称AGI），利马570，腿。14，大笑。174r–75r。杜克大学出版社（Duke University Press）2018年9月3日doi 10.1215 / 00182168-6933534 doi与其他许多西班牙裔美国人历史评论不同从https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article-pdf/98/3/377/536048/377masters下载.pdf，2019年5月28日由来宾发布。该法令加入了数十部法律，这些法律从1500年代中期开始逐渐限制了西班牙-印度后裔的权利和特权。到1580年，情况已达到最低点：议会不再允许他们携带武器，继承西班牙征服者父亲的印第安贡品，或享受其他一系列王室特权。部分印度人将遭受切实和日益严重的社会歧视。由于Loaysa的努力，主教开始拒绝即将誓言的部分印度神父。该法令没有提到妇女，但在利马的修道院中，修道院的妇女仍在采取措施阻止梅西蒂丝成为黑色面纱的修女，这是这些回廊中最高的等级。2秘鲁的西班牙-印度后裔并没有辞职。被动的抵抗，他们也没有伸手剑。取而代之的是，一群在总督中组织严密的混血牧师策划说服国王和议会这些措施存在严重错误。他们动员了库斯科（Cuzco）和阿雷基帕（Arequipa）的两个宗教兄弟会，从远至Loja和智利的地区收集了150名混血儿的签名，并获得了秘鲁主教和其他西班牙精英的明确支持。他们派遣了不起眼的一半拉巴斯（La Paz）的印度人佩德罗·伦乔（Pedro Rengifo），带着大量投诉和证词在马德里游说议会。伦乔（Rengifo）试图说服安理会，秘鲁的“ 10,000名混血儿家庭”应享有与西班牙人相同的特权。3他恳求国王允许“混血儿”携带武器并成为全职修女和牧师。Rengifo的来信将他描绘成“西班牙人和印第安人的所有儿子的声音，他们称他们为混血儿”，并呼吁“法令说。。。4经过多次延误，Rengifo在1588年获得了圆满的胜利。议会通过一项新法令，推翻了1578年对秘鲁各地的混血儿牧师的禁令，该法令规定，混血儿和混血儿现在已完全等同于西班牙男人和女人。 。1588年法令的文字包含了Rengifo的请愿书的几个逐字短语。该法令规定：“我是国王。。。由Pedro Rengifo发出通知。。。以西班牙人和印第安人的所有儿子的名义，他们称其为混血儿，并得出结论说：“该法令…… 。。“5。我在本文中讨论的许多实例中，理事会对法令的措辞直接归因于请愿书的案文，罗伊萨（Loaysa）促使理事会重新发布了较早的不确定来源的法令。2.求职信，AGI，利马126，np 在委员会对命令的措辞直接归因于请愿书文本的情况下，罗伊萨（Loaysa）促使委员会重新发布了较早的关于出处不明的命令。2.求职信，AGI，利马126，np 在委员会对命令的措辞直接归因于请愿书文本的情况下，罗伊萨（Loaysa）促使委员会重新发布了较早的关于出处不明的命令。2.求职信，AGI，利马126，np