Shahram Khosravi’s third book, following Young and Defiant in Tehran (2008) and “Illegal” Traveller: An Auto-Ethnography of Borders (2010), explores the precarious lives and social vulnerabilities of Iranian youth. Unlike his first book, which focused exclusively on the urban middle-class, Precarious Lives includes material collected from rural areas, as well as from urban working-class contexts. However, exclusionary practices, the focus of his second book, continue to be a central research theme, this time those within the Iranian nation-state that “discriminate and exclude young people who do not fit the authorized forms of life” (3). These discriminating practices, and the intra-social borders they produce, result in multiple precarities, including economic uncertainty, fear of physical violence, and alienation. The underlying cause of these developments is discussed as the outcome of neoliberal ideas and practices that have entered Iranian politics, society, and the economy in the past two decades. Khosravi dovetails his focus on the production of precarity in Iranian society with an ethnography of hope, arguing that the discriminating practices producing precarity also impact “how the potentialities of a better future are distributed” (14). The structurally less privileged who have few reasons for hope—like middle-class youth, women, rural-urban migrants, and young working-class urban men—respond to their disheartening situations with practices by which they (ostensibly) generate hope. These practices, Khosravi argues, amount to acts of citizenship by which people “claim their right to make prospects for a better future possible,” making the “right to hope” a basic political right (15). By conjoining an analysis

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危险的生活：伊朗的等待与希望 作者：Shahram Khosravi

沙赫拉姆·霍斯拉维 (Shahram Khosravi) 继德黑兰的年轻与反抗 (Young and Defiant)（2008 年）和“非法”旅行者：边界的自我民族志（2010 年）之后的第三本书探讨了伊朗青年的不稳定生活和社会脆弱性。与他的第一本书完全专注于城市中产阶级不同，《不稳定的生活》包括从农村地区以及城市工人阶级环境中收集的材料。然而，排他性做法，他的第二本书的重点，仍然是一个中心研究主题，这次是伊朗民族国家内部的那些“歧视和排斥不符合授权生活方式的年轻人”（3）。这些歧视性做法及其产生的社会内部边界导致多种不稳定因素，包括经济不确定性、对人身暴力的恐惧和疏远。这些发展的根本原因被认为是过去二十年进入伊朗政治、社会和经济的新自由主义思想和实践的结果。Khosravi 将他对伊朗社会不稳定的产生与希望的民族志相吻合，认为造成不稳定的歧视性做法也会影响“如何分配更美好未来的潜力”（14）。结构上没有什么希望的人——比如中产阶级青年、女性、农村移民和年轻的城市工人阶级——用他们（表面上）产生希望的做法来应对他们令人沮丧的情况。科斯拉维认为，这些做法相当于公民行为，人们“声称他们有权为更美好的未来创造前景，“使“希望的权利”成为一项基本的政治权利（15）。通过联合分析