Abstract We explore certain predictions of the theory first presented in Acedo-Matellán and Real-Puigdollers (2014), whereby roots correspond to (lately inserted) Vocabulary Items that phonologically and semantically interpret functional nodes. First, we deal with categorizers (a, n, v), a prominent locus for the insertion of roots. Roots such as cat or up are Vocabulary Items that have no context of insertion and are insertable into any categorizer, accounting for the categorial variability of simple words. Derivational affixes like -ation or -al also correspond to roots inserted into little head categorizers (n and a, respectively, in this case), but their Vocabulary Items have a context of insertion accounting for their categorial rigidity and their c-selection properties. The exploration proposed here focuses, first, on the locality properties of morphemic interactions at the semantic interface, namely, allosemic interactions. We show that our approach makes felicitous predictions seemingly unavailable to those other localist approaches in which roots are distinct nodes in the syntax. Second, we show that the phenomenon of semi-lexicality, as illustrated by classifiers, can be successfully modeled, in our framework, as the insertion of roots into inflectional nodes.

中文翻译：

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扎根到功能节点：探索局部性和半词汇性

摘要我们探索了最早出现在Acedo-Matellán和Real-Puigdollers（2014）中的理论的某些预测，其中，词根对应于（最新插入的）词汇项目，它们在语音和语义上解释功能节点。首先，我们处理分类器（a，n，v），这是插入根的重要位置。诸如cat或up之类的词根是没有插入上下文的词汇表项目，可以插入任何分类器中，从而说明了简单单词的分类变异性。派生词缀（如-ation或-al）也对应于插入到小分类器中的词根（在这种情况下，分别为n和a），但是其词表项具有插入上下文，这说明了它们的分类刚性和c选择特性。首先，这里提出的探索重点是 语义接口上的语素交互（即同位交互）的局部性。我们表明，对于那些根在语法上是不同节点的其他局部主义方法，我们的方法似乎无法做出准确的预测。其次，我们证明了分类器说明的半词汇现象可以在我们的框架中成功建模为将根插入到拐点中。