Abstract Using a sample of 116 languages, this article investigates the typology of comparative constructions and their distribution in Melanesia, one of the world’s least-understood linguistic areas. We present a rigorous definition of a comparative construction as a “comparative concept”, thereby excluding many constructions which have been considered functionally comparatives in Melanesia. Conjoined comparatives are shown to dominate at the core of the area on the island of New Guinea, while (monoclausal) exceed comparatives are found in the maritime regions around New Guinea. Outside of Melanesia adpositional and other comparative constructions including particle comparatives are most frequent in Austronesian languages. The unity of the conjoined comparative type in the core Melanesian area illustrates that, while morpho-syntactic profiles of Melanesian languages are heterogenous, significant convergence in the “ways of saying things” can be found across the region. Additionally, we find no cases of clause chaining constructions being used for encoding comparatives, even in canonical clause chaining languages of central New Guinea. Our findings thus offer no support for Stassen’s claim of a correlation between temporal chaining type and comparative construction type. Instead we suggest that an areal preference for mini-clauses may explain the dominance of the conjoined comparative in Melanesia.

中文翻译：

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美拉尼西亚的比较者：趋同的同心圆

摘要本文以116种语言为样本，研究了比较构造的类型学及其在美拉尼西亚的分布，美拉尼西亚是世界上语言最鲜为人知的语言领域之一。我们将比较结构的定义严格地定义为“比较概念”，因此排除了许多在美拉尼西亚被视为功能比较的结构。事实证明，在新几内亚岛的核心区域，连带比较是最主要的，而在新几内亚周围的海域发现（单子）超过比较。在美拉尼西亚之外，介词和其他比较结构，包括粒子比较，在南斯拉夫语系语言中最常见。美拉尼西亚核心地区的联合比较类型的统一说明，美拉尼西亚人的语素-句法特征是异质的，但整个地区的“说话方式”却有明显的融合。此外，即使在新几内亚中部的规范子句链接语言中，我们也没有发现子句链接构造可用于对比较编码的情况。因此，我们的发现不支持Stassen关于时间链类型与比较构造类型之间相关性的主张。取而代之的是，我们建议对小条款的优先使用可能解释了美拉尼西亚联合比较的优势。即使在新几内亚中部的规范条款链接语言中也是如此。因此，我们的发现不支持Stassen关于时间链类型与比较构造类型之间相关性的主张。取而代之的是，我们建议对小条款的优先使用可能解释了美拉尼西亚联合比较的优势。即使在新几内亚中部的规范条款链接语言中也是如此。因此，我们的发现不支持Stassen关于时间链类型与比较构造类型之间相关性的主张。取而代之的是，我们建议对小条款的优先使用可能解释了美拉尼西亚联合比较的优势。