Abstract Diola-Fogny is a well-known example of a tongue root harmony language with assimilatory dominance of [+ATR] vowels. Less well known, however, are some asymmetries involving the frequency and distribution of [+ATR] and [-ATR] vowels. In addition to being dominant, [+ATR] vowels are subject to restrictions on their occurrence in certain classes of function words and affixes and occur with far lower overall frequency than [-ATR] vowels. In essence, they pattern like a marked sound class. This paper focuses on some implications of these findings for a theoretical topic of interest: markedness relations involving tongue root features. The Diola-Fogny patterns conform quite well to the expectations of a traditional understanding of featural markedness, which equates the dominant value of a feature with the marked one. They are problematic, however, for a widely assumed view of tongue root markedness relations that treats [-ATR] as universally marked in high vowels. Under this view, marked patterning of all [+ATR] vowels (including high [+ATR] [i], [u]) is unexpected. I show that such patterning is intelligible in a framework in which markedness has a representational basis and in which [+ATR] quality is represented by a privative feature [ATR].

中文翻译：

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Diola-Fogny的ATR和声系统中的显性和优势

摘要Diola-Fogny是舌根和声语言的一个著名示例，具有[+ ATR]元音的同化优势。然而，鲜为人知的是一些不对称，涉及[+ ATR]和[-ATR]元音的频率和分布。除了占主导地位外，[+ ATR]元音在某些类别的功能词和词缀中还受到限制，并且其出现频率远低于[-ATR]元音。本质上，它们的模式就像标记的声音类别。本文重点关注这些发现对感兴趣的理论主题的某些含义：涉及舌根特征的标记关系。Diola-Fogny模式非常符合对胎记标记的传统理解的期望，即将特征的主导价值与被标记的等同。他们有问题，但是，对于被广泛认为的舌根标记关系，该视图将[-ATR]视为高级元音中的普遍标记。在此视图下，所有[+ ATR]元音（包括高[+ ATR] [i]，[u]）的标记图案都是意外的。我表明，这种模式在标记具有代表性的基础以及[+ ATR]质量由专有特征[ATR]表示的框架中是可理解的。