Illusions of common interest and joint purpose falter when states choose to break up, as with the recent changes to the European Union, or according to more dangerous precipitants such as those which shaped the Franco-German Armistice 1940, 80 years ago as a detail of war. The latter bares the sudden end of the Franco-British alliance and holds an invitation from history to re-examine the troubling political, social and legal layers of the concept of the vital interests of states. That category opened to radically different interpretations for political and legal thinkers who witnessed the fall of France yet did not respond directly or immediately. Hannah Arendt’s theory of politics, conceived in the aftermath of war as a corrective to the internal fragmentation of the European nation-state, elucidates the instability of the concept of vital interests which underpinned international legal and political thought in the 1930s and 1940s and frustrates the co-operative relations between states. The problem pairs back, she says, to whether interests signify an associative technique or sword. Her invitation for legal thought is to challenge the expectation of rupture implicit in the juridical category by outlining an alternative that recovers the pacifistic function of law and implicates the international lawyer.

中文翻译：

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切身利益的最低点：汉娜·阿伦特和 1940 年的法德停战协定

当国家选择解体时，共同利益和共同目标的幻想会动摇，例如最近对欧盟的变化，或者根据更危险的因素，例如 80 年前形成 1940 年法德停战协定的那些因素战争。后者暴露了法英联盟的突然终结，并接受了历史的邀请，重新审视这一概念的令人不安的政治、社会和法律层面。切身利益的州。对于目睹法国沦陷但没有直接或立即做出回应的政治和法律思想家来说，这一类别向他们提供了截然不同的解释。汉娜·阿伦特（Hannah Arendt）的政治理论在战后被构想为对欧洲民族国家内部分裂的一种纠正，阐明了切身利益它支撑了 1930 年代和 1940 年代的国际法律和政治思想，并阻碍了国家之间的合作关系。她说，这个问题与兴趣是否意味着一种联想技巧或剑有关。她对法律思想的邀请是通过概述一种恢复法律的和平主义功能并牵连国际律师的替代方案来挑战法律类别中隐含的破裂预期。